The Perceived Threat of Nuclear War, Salience, and Open Questions

The most serious problem facing the United States, accordingto many scientific and political leaders, is the threat of nuclearwar. Yet the standard survey question on the most importantproblem facing the country has often shown little public concurrencewith this assumption. Our article uses experimentation in nationalsamples to test whether this difference can be traced to limitationsin either the form or the wording of the standard question.The results indicate that there are some important systematicdifferences between open and closed versions of the question,and also differences that result from reference to the nationas distinct from the world, but neither type of difference accountsfor the infrequent mention of nuclear war on the standard question.Instead, other evidence indicates that most Americans believethat nuclear war is not going to happen at all, or that if itdoes happen it will be too far in the distant future to be ofpressing concern to them personally.     

Public Beliefs About the Beliefs of the Public

Perceptions of the opinions of others are examined on a varietyof issues using data from three sample surveys of metropolitanDetroit. A greal deal of inaccuracy in such perception is evident.Three broad tendencies or patterns can be discerned: "lookingglass perceptions," the general propensity to believe that others'opinions are the same as one's own; "conservative bias," thebelief that the population is more conservative on racial issuesthan it actually is; and limited response to reality constraints.The overall findings suggest that perceptions of public beliefsand attitudes are personally and socially constructed to a muchlarger degree than is often assumed.     

Comparing Iraq to Vietnam: Recognition, Recall, and the Nature of Cohort Effects

Cross-section samples in five states were asked in December2004 and July 2005 whether the Iraq war is more like the VietnamWar or more like World War II. The Vietnam analogy was chosendisproportionately by those who were alive during that war,though the choice was not limited to exposure to the Vietnamperiod during what have been called the "critical years" ofadolescence and early adulthood. The distinction between twoforms of remembering, recall and recognition, helps situatethe results with regard to past research on cohort effects oncollective memory. Evidence is also presented against interpretingthe present effect as related to the biological and social correlatesof aging. Other results are included on the relations of analogychoice to partisan identification, gender, education, race,and region.     

Discriminatory behavior in New York restaurants: 1950 and 1981

Survey techniques are combined with behavioral observations in this attempt to replicate a 1950 baseline study in order to examine trends in racial discrimination. In the 1950 study, treatment of black and white couples was compared in a sample of 62 restaurants drawn from a population of all restaurants in a large area of East Side Manhattan. In 1981 we carried out similar comparisons in a sample of 20 restaurants (plus four replications) drawn from the same area, following as closely as possible the procedures used in the baseline study. A substantial amount of discrimination was found in 1981, though somewhat less than in 1950. The difficult problems of determining when discrimination has and has not occurred are discussed from the standpoints of both black customers and social science investigators.     

Keeping the Past Alive: Memories of Israeli Jews at the Turn of the Millennium

We asked in an open-ended way in 1999–2000 what national and world events Israeli Jews consider most important from the past 60 years. Ten events were identified as foremost, including three from the time of independence and one that was quite recent. All the major memories are associated with efforts of the state through commemorations and in other ways to create a unitary collective memory. Five social background variables help account for which events are mentioned as most important: birth cohort, education, gender, ethnic origin, and religiosity. Other specific factors such as personal Holocaust experience and voting preferences are also considered.     

The complexity of ignorance

We examine the kinds of mistakes that are frequently made when the general public is asked to identify political symbols from the past half century. A particularly striking phenomenon is inversion: the event is recalled backwards, so that Rosa Parks is remembered for having given up her seat on a bus to a white person. A second type of error occurs by linking a name to the wrong person, as when John Dean is identified as a movie actor (James Dean). Still another type of mistake involves a correct substantive categorization but with temporal displacement, for example, the Tet Offensive is said to have occurred during the Korean War. In each of these cases we are able to speculate about the social and psychological processes that have led to the misremembering. However, not every error is lodged in respondents: we initially treated as incorrect all answers that did not fit our own expectations; but we were soon forced to recognize that other frames of reference could be brought to the task and lay equal claim to the truth. Names are alphabetical and authorship is equal.     

Pathways to age-friendly communities in diverse urban neighborhoods: Do social capital and social cohesion matter?

ABSTRACT

Using a social capital and social cohesion lens, we reposition the concept of civic engagement among older adults to examine pathways for building age-friendly communities. We analyzed data drawn from a Community-Based Participatory Research study in the Southern U.S. that explored lived experiences of older adults, age 55 and above, who participated in individual interviews (n = 15) and six focus group discussions (n = 45) to examine their perceptions of social identity, social connectedness, and civic engagement geared toward an age-friendly city. Findings indicated that several older adults had access to social networks and socially invested resources, thereby having opportunities for civic engagement and building age-friendly neighborhoods. However, social, cultural, linguistic, and structural barriers were more evident among certain diverse ethnic populations. Marginalized low-income minorities and immigrants, such as Hispanic participants, felt the lack of social cohesion among the larger society limited their ability to give back, thus decreasing their civic engagement activities. In contrast, Caucasian and African-American older adults were able to contribute to the political process through more civic participation activities. We provide implications for examining the role of social capital and social engagement to bolster civic engagement among older adults in building age-friendly communities.     

Cohorts, Chronology, and Collective Memories

We asked Americans to tell us the national and world eventsthat they believe to have been especially important since the1930s, using replicated cross-section surveys carried out in1985, in 2000, and after September 11, 2001. Our primary interestsare, first, in how collective memories change as new eventsoccur, such as the end of the Cold War or the 9/11 terroristattack; and second, in whether the origin of such memories duringthe critical period of adolescence and early adulthood, as wellas their connection with education, remain stable over timeand consistent with theory. As part of our investigation weconsider four related issues: collective forgetting as wellas collective remembering; the distinction between ease of recallingevents and judgments of their importance; compound events, whichare composed of sub-events that can be remembered separatelyby respondents; and larger social and technological changesdifficult or impossible to date with any precision. Panel datafrom the second and third surveys, obtained shortly before andafter 9/11, aid in determining which earlier collective memorieswere superseded by memories of the terrorist attack itself.

For I myself can now remember my first day ... more exactly,when I think of it, than all the ones that followed. Imre Kertész,Fateless, on his first day in Auschwitz at age 14