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1.
杨慧 《四川大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2015,(1)
史称“新感觉派”后起之秀的黑婴是唯一一位跻身于1930年代中国主流文坛的南洋华侨作家。这位生于荷印棉兰,长于广东梅县,深造于“魔都”上海的新一代南洋华侨,在“民国时态”浓郁的南洋氛围中登陆沪上文坛。在此跨文化的激烈碰撞与深度融合中,黑婴经由“乡愁”的激发与引领,讲述了新一代南洋华侨青年的苦难、迷惘以及艰难的蜕变。今天看来,这种包含着独特生命体验和丰富历史痛感的文化乡愁,正是南侨作家黑婴在“华文文学”和“海派文学”的脉络之外,贡献给中国现代文学真正而独特的“新感觉”。 相似文献
2.
This paper explores young people's expressed concerns about privacy in the context of a highly mediated cultural environment, mapping social media practices against axes of visibility and participation. Drawing on interdisciplinary conceptual resources from both the humanities and social sciences, we use ‘spectacles of intimacy’ to conceptualise breaches of privacy, mapping an emergent moral landscape for young people that moves beyond concerns with e-safety to engage with the production and circulation of audiences and value. The paper draws on data from a methodological innovation project using multi-media and mixed methods to capture lived temporalities for children and young people. We present a model that captures a moral landscape shaped by emotional concerns about social media, the affordances of those media and affective discourses emerging from young people's use of the media. 相似文献
3.
蔡之兵 《吉首大学学报(社会科学版)》2020,41(3):67-76
每当先进的发展制度开始取代落后的发展制度时,整个世界格局就会进入重大的转换阶段。在中国五千年的发展历史中,有两次重大的历史变局完全改变了中国历史发展轨迹并深远地影响了当前中国的发展模式。新时代下的中国作为前两次历史变局影响的客体,曾经既是先进发展制度取代落后发展制度的受益者,也经历过作为落后发展制度主体而被先进发展制度冲击的过程。目前世界正处于第三次先进发展制度与落后发展制度交替的历史变局阶段,作为第三次重大历史变局的主体,在三次千年历史变局叠加的背景下,能否有效地认识、适应并改造利用前两次历史变局的经验与教训,构建系统性、科学性、可行性、领先性的中国特色社会主义制度,将决定中国在本次历史变局中能否顺利成为先进发展制度的主体从而实现民族复兴。 相似文献
4.
阮咏梅 《宁波大学学报(人文科学版)》2020,33(1):1-6
卫所制度是明清时期重要的军政制度。以浙江沿海明清卫所驻地方言为考察对象,从北到南选取了最有代表性的16个方言点,通过共时和历时的比较,分析和总结浙江沿海明清卫所驻地方言声母在数量和古今分合上的特点。 相似文献
5.
This article explores how a lack of access to increasingly complex and overlapping digital communications platforms in times of disaster for people with disabilities has the potential to make already life-threatening situations considerably more dangerous. As we are increasingly coming to rely on a social media mash-up of digital platforms to assist in communications during disaster situations, the issue of accessibility for people with disabilities is as dire as if it was high ground during a tsunami or transport during a typhoon. The contemporary social media environment is characterised by a complex and overlapping network of complementary platforms, populated by user-generated content, where people communicate and exchange ideas. In this environment, YouTube videos are posted to Facebook and embedded in blogs, and Twitter is used to link to these other sites and is itself embedded in other platforms. These networks are increasingly supplementing and supplanting more traditional communication platforms, such as the television and radio, particularly in times of disaster. The concern of this paper is that the elements from which this mash-up of communications channels is made are not always accessible to people with disabilities. This evolving network of social media-based communication exposes the limits of existing Internet-based universal design. 相似文献
6.
韩显卿 《西南石油大学学报(社会科学版)》2019,10(4):59-66
本文在文献[1]的基础上做了进一步的试验研究,发现慢速降压过程流速对时间的依赖关系呈指数曲线形式,同时进行了慢速升压试验,同样发现流速与时间的指数关系。文中对文献[1]定义的附加残余效应系数提出了修改,重新定义为滞留分子粘弹效应系数,对降压过程和升压过程的粘弹效应系数进行了对比。通过岩心出口液浓度数据,证实了文中描述的粘弹效应机理和分子构象改变的物理模型的可靠性。 相似文献
7.
2012年3D 版《泰坦尼克号》的华丽上映曾掀起影迷们对它的新一轮热捧。文章就同样备受中国观众喜爱的中国方言版《泰坦尼克号》为案例,结合功能目的论来探寻中国方言版字幕翻译的目的与性质,进而分析、总结英文影片字幕的中国方言版译制活动过程。 相似文献
8.
Social media is pervasive in the lives of young people, and this paper critically analyses how politically engaged young people integrate social media use into their existing organisations and political communications. This qualitative research project studied how young people from a broad range of existing political and civic groups use social media for sharing information, mobilisation and, increasingly, as a means to redefine political action and political spaces. Twelve in-person focus groups were conducted in Australia, the USA and the UK with matched affinity groups based on university campuses. The groups were of four types: party political group, issue-based group, identity-based group and social group. Our focus group findings suggest that this in-depth approach to understanding young people's political engagement reveals important group-based differences emerging in young people's citizenship norms: between the dutiful allegiance to formal politics and a more personalised, self-actualising preference for online, discursive forms of political engagement and organising. The ways in which political information is broadcast, shared and talked about on social media by engaged young people demonstrate the importance of communicative forms of action for the future of political engagement and connective action. 相似文献
9.
M. Rae Moors 《Information, Communication & Society》2019,22(6):808-822
ABSTRACTThe Flint Water Crisis became a national news story in January of 2016, when major publishers such as The New York Times began covering the story. In the same month, an influx of social media activism occurred in response to the crisis, with citizens developing hashtag campaigns such as #FlintFwd in order to disseminate news and stories from a citizen’s perspective; these campaigns often positioned Flint positively ? as a recovering community ? rather than a city in the middle of a public health crisis, and often addressed not a national public but a local audience. This paper considers Flint-based social media activity to investigate the emergence of place-based activism within the ostensibly global network of social media. In doing so, it identifies three key themes; 1) leveraging social media to forward a critique of deficient journalistic storytelling; 2) using the affective process of storytelling via social media to claim authority over their own material offline existence, and 3) using place-based storytelling to implicate others as witnesses via the global network of social media. These themes coalesce around a distinctly critical logic of connectivity. This logic extends the notion of connectivity articulated by Van Dijck and Poell [2013. Understanding social media logic. Media and Communication, 1(1), 2–14.] and the strategies of platform activism explored by Tufekci [2017. Twitter and tear gas: The power and fragility of networked protest. New Haven: Yale University Press.] to explain how social media works to expose discrepancies between the public story of the water crisis and material, lived conditions of Flint, rendering visible a discursive identity of Flint thus far unrecognized. 相似文献
10.
刘妮娜 《华南农业大学学报(社会科学版)》2019,18(1):121-131
农村互助型社会养老是具有中国特色的社会养老的发展形式,是对农村传统家庭养老的重要补充。它扎根于农村传统的亲邻互助网络,其本质在于经济互助,表现为有组织地发动邻里、志愿等社会力量,充分利用以老年人为主的各类人力资源的闲置时间、资源低成本地相互帮助和服务。社会各界应将其作为重要实施方略,纳入积极应对人口老龄化战略和乡村振兴战略之中。其发展路径可以概括为:以资金互助为基础,以组织动员为抓手,以服务互助为重点,以社区居家养老为主要阵地,创新各类互助养老模式,着力形成稳定多元的资金来源,培育互助队伍,增加互助内容,从无偿到无偿、低偿相结合,探索建立标准规范的服务管理评估制度,机构养老与社区居家养老互联互通,最终尝试建立圈层化、整合化、网络化、制度化的农村互助型社会养老体系。 相似文献