大学计算机专业“基础原理”课的教学探讨

本文针对现代大学生学习计算机专业“基础原理”课程存在的种种客观问题,通过分析这些问题找出其中原因,并介绍对这些问题所采取的解决方案。教学实践表明,这些方案对学生学习“基础原理课”起到了较好的效果,提高了这类课程的教学质量。     

高管持股与企业价值——基于利益趋同效应与壕沟防守效应的经验研究

本文以深交所78家民营上市公司为样本,从利益趋同效应和壕沟防守效应两方面研究了高管持股与企业价值的关系。与目前大多数相关研究不同,本文在计量高管持股比例时包括了高管人员通过间接方式持有的公司股权。本研究发现,高管持股比例不同引起的利益趋同效应和壕沟防守效应导致高管持股与企业价值之间呈显著的非线性关系。当高管持股比例在8%—25%之间,高管持股的壕沟防守效应占主导,而小于8%或大于25%时,高管持股的利益趋同效应占主导。研究结论对以激励为主要目的或以股权结构优化为主要目的的高管持股方案提供了经验证据。     

Conflicts of Interest in Academic Research: Policies,Processes, and Attitudes

Few studies have examined academic researchers' understandings of or attitudes toward conflict of interest policies even though these understandings and attitudes represent a crucial component of both compliance and educational efforts. This study reports the results of a large-scale, cross-sectional survey of research faculty at the nine campuses of the University of California regarding their understandings of and attitudes toward campus conflict of interest policies. We gathered information on their general assessments of investigators with financial ties to industry sponsors and reactions to the process of implementing conflict of interest policies at their respective campuses. We surveyed 1,971 faculty members from the nine-campus University of California system and had 779 responses (39% response rate). The sampled faculty were in the ten departments with the most number of financial disclosures at each campus. We utilized the WebSurveyor software to create a secure, online, 21-item survey. Our study reveals faculty with complex, sometimes contradictory, feelings about academic-industry relationships and highlights perceived gaps in policy and process. Most respondents were concerned about unlimited financial relationships, but a sizable number also viewed campus policies as irrelevant. Some expressed considerable anger over the process of policy implementation, rejecting the policies on the basis of professional and individual self-determination and moral integrity. Our study suggests the need for renewed efforts to encourage awareness of the relevance of conflict of interest policies for all faculty, new efforts to increase understanding of the situational nature of conflicts of interest, and a reexamination of the processes of policy implementation at the campus level.     

中国的地位身份分析——兼论中国国家利益诉求范围

只有在充分认识自身实力的基础上与国际社会中其他国家进行比较,国家的实力地位身份才能正确定位。通过纵向和横向比较,中国的地位身份可以界定为:快速崛起的具有影响力的发展中社会主义大国,但中国的国家利益诉求和辐射范围仍然以亚太区域为主。     

利益集团与社会管理:挑战与出路

利益集团显性化是当前我国经济社会发展过程中的一个突出现象。与阶级阶层分化相比,集团利益分化有着不同的特点。它的产生客观上要求一种新的社会管理方法来协调和化解不同集团间的利益分歧、矛盾和冲突。当前,我国尚处于"有利益集团现象,但无利益集团政治"的阶段。既有的利益集团管理仍沿袭社团管理的理念和方法,本质上是政治控制型管理和精英吸纳型管理在利益集团问题上的应用,不能适应我国集团利益分化的现状和特点。为此,要改革现有的社团管理体制,并构建与社团管理体制相衔接的利益集团管理。     

互联网平台企业不正当竞争的司法认定与立法改进

双边市场是正确认识互联网平台企业的理论基础,市场公共性决定了平台企业必须承担维护市场竞争秩序的义务.竞争利益是认定平台企业不正当竞争行为的核心要素,滥用相对优势地位、限制用户使用替代产品、恶意破坏对手合法商业模式及流量劫持是平台企业不正当竞争行为的基本类型.履行权利保护义务、保护大众利益及基于商业道德和行业规范是排除平台企业不正当竞争行为时的考量因素.《反不正当竞争法(修订草案送审稿)》相关条款对互联网平台企业不正当竞争行为进行了初步规定,但仍需完善.     

西方政党政治中的利益集团、政党腐败及其治理

政党政治是西方民主政治的重要组成部分,是政治民主化的发展成果。政党的社会整合能力削弱,导致了西方政治过程中利益集团作为一支强大的力量强势崛起,并通过政治献金、游说向执政党施加压力,以期将集团的利益诉求通过执政党和政府的公共政策制定合法化。政党与利益集团的媾和促成了权力与利益的互换,政党腐败滋生,腐蚀和瓦解着当前政治体制,耗竭政党的社会基础与执政资源,威胁政党政治的生命。为此,只有完善政党与利益集团自身的组织规范,实现对政党权力的约束;改变单一的政党经费筹集方式,增强竞选经费使用的透明度;建立开放与多元竞争的公共政策制定机制,实现公共政策的利益均衡,构筑明确的权力与利益边界,才能重构政党与利益集团的关系,消减政党与利益集团的不正当交易,遏制腐败的发生。     

公益诉讼是防范经营性国有资产流失的新路径

公益诉讼是防范国有资产流失的重要制度安排,有助于把社会民众的法律监督权与行政、司法机关对违法行为的审查权有机结合起来,发挥社会对国有资产运营的监督制约功能,增强国有资产经营者行为的规范性;进而形成权利监督权力的机制,为追究国有资产流失行为人的法律责任提供司法传障。     

户籍制度利益分配功能的形成及改革思路探讨

中国特殊的社会经济政策导致户籍制度异化为社会利益分配机制。随着社会经济政策的转变,户籍制度的利益分配功能在改革开放前后具有不同的特点。户籍制度改革必须以社会经济政策的整体调整为先导,以转换政府职能为切入点。而社会经济政策的调整必须考虑社会利益集团的利益刚性和利益博弈,走一条渐进改革的路径。     

Legislative responses to wrongful conviction: Do partisan principals and advocacy efforts influence state-level criminal justice policy?

The number of discovered wrongful criminal convictions (and resulting exonerations) has increased over the past decade. These cases erode public confidence in the criminal justice system and trust in the rule of law. Many states have adopted laws that aim to reduce system errors but no study has examined why some states appear more willing to provide due process protections against wrongful convictions than others. Findings from regression estimates suggest that states with a Republican controlled legislature or more Republican voters are less likely to pass these laws while the presence of advocacy organizations that are part of the ‘innocence movement’ make legislative change more likely. We thus identify important differences in the political and social context between U.S. states that influence the adoption of criminal justice policies.