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1.
This article draws on participant observation in a law enforcement academy to demonstrate how a hidden curriculum encourages aspects of hegemonic masculinity among recruits. Academy training teaches female and male recruits that masculinity is an essential requirement for the practice of policing and that women do not belong. By watching and learning from instructors and each other, male students developed a form of masculinity that (1) excluded women students and exaggerated differences between them and men; and (2) denigrated women in general. Thus, the masculinity that is characteristic of police forces and is partly responsible for women’s low representation on them is not produced exclusively on the job, but is taught in police academies as a subtext of professional socialization. 相似文献
2.
张 《广西青年干部学院学报》2003,13(6):11-11,25
生产力内部的矛盾,使生产力有先进与落后之别。中国共产党“始终代表先进生产力的发展要求”这一论断,深化和发展了马克思主义生产力理论,从时间和空间看,生产力的先进性分别具有绝对性和相对性。社会主义初级阶段大国的国情,决定了中国共产党始终代表的是“中国的”“先进的”生产力。 相似文献
3.
文化生产力的崛起与发展 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
王琳 《天津大学学报(社会科学版)》2005,7(5):354-357
马克思提出的文化生产力概念包含着正确把握现代社会智能生产力的指导性原则。文化生产力的提出, 使文化知识从非独立因素变为独立因素,由潜在生产力变为现实生产力。文化生产力的高度发展对现代文明的影响是全方位的,将对旧有的生产生活方式、思维方式、价值观念、教育模式和经营管理及领导决策产生重大影响,从而改变财富的分配方式。改革开放以来,我国文化生产力有了突破性发展,但在总体水平上同发达国家的差距很大。应当强化全民的“文化生产力”意识,建立起国家的技术创新体系和知识创新体系,加大对教育和科技的投入。 相似文献
4.
公安文学中的人物形象由扁平人物过渡到中间人物,由中闻人物过渡到圆形人物,满足了不同读者的审美需求, 这是公安文学兴盛的标志,代表先进文化的前进方向。 相似文献
5.
孙洪义 《西南交通大学学报(社会科学版)》2002,3(1):7-11
邓小平的社会主义本质论是邓小平理论的核心部分 ,集中地体现着邓小平对马列主义、毛泽东思想的继承和创造性的发展 ,体现着科学社会主义理论和实践发展的新境界 ,是在社会主义发展上的巨大创新。在我国实行公有制为主体的多种所有制结构 ,把市场经济作为发展社会主义社会生产力的手段 ,既反对平均主义、又反对两极分化 ,逐步实现人民的共同富裕 ,在社会主义发展中必须坚持改革等观点都体现着邓小平理论创新和体制创新。 相似文献
6.
韩隆福 《湖南文理学院学报(社会科学版)》1995,(3)
本文提出了隋朝经济空前发展的又一重要原因,是隋炀帝时科技生产力重视的新观点,并论述了大业年间科技上的巨大成就。 相似文献
7.
朱清如 《湖南文理学院学报(社会科学版)》2005,30(4):8-11
日军在侵华战争期间,无视国际公约(法),在战场上频频使用化学武器,致使众多中国军民伤亡。大量史事证明,在1943年11月初至12月底的中日常德会战中,由于日本华中派遣军在作战中多次实施毒气(弹)攻击,致使中国第六、第九战区的参战部队伤亡惨重。此战中“日军使用毒气次数之多,为抗战以来所仅见”。 相似文献
8.
Megan T. Demarest 《Sociology Compass》2021,15(11):e12936
The procedural justice model has become widely recognized as a key crime prevention and reduction strategy, spurring its adoption across police agencies throughout the United States in an effort to address mounting concerns regarding police use of force. Recent critiques, however, have called attention to the need for greater examination of potential contributing factors that are underdeveloped in investigations of the procedural justice model, including the role of emotions. This article takes stock of interdisciplinary advancements to critically examine scholarly investigations exploring associations between procedural (in)justice, emotions, and compliance behaviors within the context of police-citizen interactions. In doing so, continued gaps are identified. Lastly, this article concludes by identifying future pathways and recommendations for the scholarly advancement of our understanding of emotions and their continued relevance to the procedural justice model. 相似文献
9.
Brittany N. Fox‐Williams 《Sociological Forum》2019,34(1):115-137
Prior work on youth–police relations examines young people's general perceptions of the police, their differential treatment by police officers, and officers' discretion in dealing with youth. Yet researchers have largely neglected the question of how young people attempt to shape these encounters. I address this critical gap, while also incorporating the experiences of “on track” youth and young women—two groups that are not exempt from police contact but traditionally ignored in the youth–police literature. Drawing on semistructured group and individual interviews with 19 black young people in New York City, I investigate the strategies they employ or subscribe to in navigating police contact. Three types of strategies emerged from my analysis: avoidance, management, and symbolic resistance. Avoidance strategies are marked by young people's attempts to preemptively steer clear of officers on the street. Management strategies are employed by young people during police encounters to limit risk or harm, while symbolic resistance is a subtle tactic used by some youth to preserve their dignity in these interactions. This study also considers the gender differences in respondents' approaches and offers new insights into how they assess their police interactions in an era of highly publicized incidents of police brutality. 相似文献
10.
Alison Howell 《International Feminist Journal of Politics》2018,20(2):117-136
This article investigates the limits of the concept of militarization and proposes an alternative concept: martial politics. It argues that the concept of militarization falsely presumes a peaceful liberal order that is encroached on by military values or institutions. Arguing instead that we must grapple with the ways in which war and politics are mutually shaped, the article proposes the concept of martial politics as a means for examining how politics is shot-through with war-like relations. It argues that stark distinctions cannot be made between war and peace, military and civilian or national and social security. This argument is made in relation to two empirical sites: the police and the university. Arguing against the notion that either the police or the university have been “militarized,” the article provides a historical analysis of the ways in which these institutions have always already been implicated in martial politics – that is, of producing White social and economic order through war-like relations with Indigenous, racialized, disabled, poor and other communities. It concludes by assessing the political and scholarly opportunities that are opened up for feminists through the rejection of the concept of militarization in favor of the concept of martial politics. 相似文献