Blood Transfusion in Room 223

How educators handle conflicting views of Populism is important in engaging students in critical thinking.     

试论民粹主义在现代中国的转化和演变

民粹主义一开始进入中国现代知识分子的视野就被紧密联系在民族命运和革命前途之上。在整个现代文艺思潮中,随着"为工农兵服务"的文艺方向的确立,民粹主义作为一种文化思想、文艺思潮,它在文化思想和文学艺术领域产生了巨大影响,牵引着现代文学的走向。     

The Resistible Rise of Sarah Palin: Continuity and Paradox in the American Right Wing1

Sarah Palin clearly holds a powerful appeal for a right‐wing constituency although even her most fervent followers may doubt that she is electable. This article examines the basis of her appeal. We argue that it can be summed up as an appeal to American authenticity, which consists of several elements: the valorization of small town ordinary life takes second place to faith and religious commitment; an equal faith in American exceptionality implies that Americans should never be apologetic about their country and never waver in their belief in its special greatness; the final elements are a foundational libertarian creed and a peculiar brand of right‐wing populism. However, for all her affinities with classical right‐wing sentiment, Sarah Palin, we argue, brings something new to the mix: a genuinely maverick right‐wing feminism. That is why in the end, we call the Palin phenomenon a paradoxical one.     

拉美民众主义的特点及其演变

民众主义是20世纪拉丁美洲现代化进程中具有深远影响的政治思潮、政治运动、政策倾向和政权形式,其主要特点可概括为城市性、多阶级性、广泛性、选举性、大众性及魅力领袖主导性.拉美民众主义经历了一个由盛而衰的过程.早期民众主义表现为20世纪初自由主义改革运动,30至60年代民众主义运动处于鼎盛期,70年代后趋于衰落,但至今在拉美政治中仍有一定影响.     

警惕社会主义新农村建设过程中的平民主义倾向

平民主义对中国革命和现代化进程有着深远影响,在社会主义新农村建设过程中同样应该警惕平民主义的倾向。关于社会主义新农村建设的政策文件虽然内容比较系统全面,却没有涉及农民生产方式、生活方式和思维方式的现代转变,在某种程度上带有平民主义的色彩。现代化的核心是人的现代化,建设社会主义新农村必须坚持把农民现代化作为核心内容。     

POPULISM AND SPECTACLE

In On Populist Reason Ernesto Laclau proposes that the reputedly ‘empty’ rhetorical excess of populism constitutes the ontological and aesthetic ground on which the existence of an entity called ‘the people’ depends. This essay considers the tensions and affinities between the particular set of aesthetic relations that Laclau attributes to populist rhetoric, on the one hand, and the set of apparently techno-economic relations that Guy Debord describes as the logic of spectacle in The Society of the Spectacle, on the other, arguing that Laclau's conception of populism compels us to recast the ontological problem of the relation that Debord describes between the social and the spectacular in expressly aesthetic terms. Beginning from this premise, the essay contends that the ‘empty’ aesthetic conventions likewise associated with spectacular entertainment – and in particular, the staging of the relation between audience and onstage spectacle that defines the variety showcase aesthetic in this account – enact a set of tropic relations that constitutes the audience as a generalized figure of ‘the people’ in much the same terms as Laclau's rhetoric. Tracing this aesthetic logic through an especially charged performance from the history of blackface minstrelsy, the essay concludes by considering how such a staging of the relation between populism and spectacle might challenge the dominant models for understanding what constitutes ‘popular’ aesthetic form within Cultural Studies, and in the process, afford new critical insights into the formal dimension of Laclau's political logic.     

"执中致和"本义考

"执中致和"是构建和谐社会的重要思想资源."和"表示协调不同声音,构成美妙的乐章.当人们认识到"和实生物,同则不继"的事物发展规律后,便逐步向认识、政治法律、伦理道德、心灵审美各领域拓进,要义是将利益不同、政治要求不同的力量协调起来,实现国安民悦的"大和"目标.甲骨文"中"为"王旗"形,表示王法之中道,后伸延为道德之中正,认识之正确,以及人性之至诚、人情之中节."执中致和"就是执政者以其中直之性和中节之情,实行合乎中道的法律制度,让矛盾中的各方各得其位,使创生中的万众各张其性.但由于"执中"权在君不在民,而原本作为协助君王"执中致和"的士人,在利禄的诱惑下成为官僚机构的一员之后,竟投王所好,使君权失去了稳定的、理性的制约力量,这样,其"中"不中、其"和"不和便成为经常的社会现象.在经过长期的治乱循环之后,人民最终以民主革命的形式推翻了君权专制制度.而今天,当我们运用"执中致和"的思想资源服务于构建"和谐社会"时,一定要忠实地分析这一理论的本义,注意克服其主客观的历史局限性,使它重新焕发出新的活力.     

National Politics,Neighborly Politics: How Trump’s Election Impacted a Black and White Detroit Community

Most research on right-wing populism has tried to explain the rise of populist movements and parties. While some have studied how neighborhood contexts and histories shape voting patterns, few have examined what happens locally after votes are cast. This article draws on three years of ethnographic research while the author lived in Brightmoor, a majority black, minority white poor depopulated Detroit neighborhood, to show how Trump’s politics shaped local expressions and experiences of racism. First, I show how white Trump supporters expressed distinct approaches to xenophobic ethnonationalism and racial politics. Trump’s surge empowered many to broadcast anti-immigrant sentiments, while they continued to put interactional and discursive work into not being seen as racist. Many also applied a “Trump lens” to local interactions and geographies and rendered minorities salient under Trump politics hypervisible. Second, I show how black residents equated xenophobic ethnonationalism with antiblack racism: seeing through pro-Trump whites’ attempts to separate these. Some also applied a new “Trump lens” to interactions and geographies, using the category of Trump voter and a sense of the voting map to anticipate and make sense of racist interactions. This article offers new insights into the local impacts of a national surge in right-wing populism.     

网络民粹主义的躁动:从虚拟集聚到社会运动

网络民粹主义是近年来在互联网上兴起的一股政治思潮。它由两种力量所构成,一种是网络批判现实主义,另一种是网络民族主义。前者以国家内部的社会矛盾为主要关注点,以反权威、反精英主义的底层姿态出现;后者则以反对全球化、反对西方国家为内容,以极端排外性的情绪表达为形式。尽管网络民粹主义表达了来自社会底层的诉求,强调了对改革公平性的关注,具有一定的合理性,但由于它利用极端的、偏激的,甚至暴力性的语言对社会转型中出现的问题和矛盾进行非理性表达,加剧了不同群体之间的对抗,激化了不同阶层之间的不信任和仇视,并不时地与现实中的集体性事件结合起来,试图推动民粹主义社会运动的形成,这在客观上造成了激化社会矛盾、分裂社会的后果。消解网络民粹主义的滋生和蔓延,最根本的方法在于促进经济良性发展前提下的社会公平、公正。一方面,应完善普通民众和底层社会政治参与的途径,从各个层次、各个领域最大限度地扩大公民有序政治参与,畅通利益表达渠道;另一方面,在保持经济稳步发展的基础上,积极缩小贫富差距,加强社会保障建设,改善底层民众的生活条件,在经济领域实现分配正义。     

网络极端情绪人群的类型及其政治与社会意涵——基于中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的实证研究

本文以社会化媒体的用户为中心,以用户的网络极端情绪表达为切入点,考察中国社会化媒体空间中的群体类型,并探讨各群体的客观背景特征,以及各群体的政治态度和网络表达行动。对中国网络社会心态调查数据（2014）的潜类分析表明,我们可以根据微博用户表达的极端情绪将其划分为“酱油众”“冷漠族”“铁血爱国派”“愤世嫉俗派”和“民粹主义者”五类群体。其中,“民粹主义者”具有一定的“草根左派”色彩,“铁血爱国派”具有某种“亲体制左派”的色彩,“冷漠族”则倾向于“温和右派”,“愤世嫉俗派”倾向于“激进右派”。就政治态度而言,“愤世嫉俗派”对体制的态度最为负面,“民粹主义者”对政府的信任度最低,而“铁血爱国派”对体制的态度最为正面,对政府的信任度最高。就网络行动而言,“民粹主义者”使用网络暴力和参与在线抗议的可能性都最高,其次是“愤世嫉俗派”和“铁血爱国派”。文章最后指出,对互联网用户极端情绪的研究是理解中国网络社会的重要窗口。