Work as a cure for mental illnesses? Opportunism and seeking ways in psychology and psychiatry in the first decades of state socialism in Hungary

ABSTRACT

In Hungary, until the end of the 1940s, there were two main established methods of occupying the mentally ill who were fit for work. From the end of the nineteenth century, a lesser number of patients underwent work therapy in mental asylums, whereas the others were treated with so-called family therapy (otherwise known as the heterofamilial system), exploiting the capacities of families in the countryside. As an important part of this, the mentally ill helped in housekeeping and agricultural work. However, following the political and ideological turn of 1948, the latter form of treatment became debated, and then it was gradually superseded. Parallel to this process, work therapy came to be the most popular type of treatment for mental illnesses, as work formed the basis of the ideology of the communist state, and thus, healing through work harmonized with the general tendencies of the era. This article examines texts related to work therapy published in neurological–psychiatric and psychological journals and monographs between 1954 and 1964. However, although work therapy appeared to be the “handmaiden of ideology,” and even though it was supposed to fulfil a particular role, in reality, the role and perception of work therapy were a lot more complicated.     

‘Notorious Beyond Any Other European Woman of Her Generation’: The Case of Count(ess) Sarolta/Sándor Vay

The paper investigates the curious case of the Hungarian Count(ess) Sarolta/Sándor Vay, journalist and writer, but, above all, a notorious gender bender in late nineteenth-century Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The article examines her case in the context of the history of European cross-dressing and of narrative transvestism. The author argues that nineteenth-century dandyism provided an effective cultural framework for Vay’s contemporaries to accept her unconventional presence in fin-de-siècle Hungarian society. Moreover, she claims that Vay’s narrative transvestism may also be construed within the cultural phenomenon of dandyism, as her writing practices prove to be further instruments for her self-fashioning. Finally, she concludes that Vay’s gender performance and narrative transvestism become illustrative examples of instances that both frame and confuse accepted cultural patterns, destabilize gender binarism, and participate in its maintenance.     

Driven by politics: agenda setting and policy-making in Hungary 2010–2014

Studies on media and politics generally find an effect of the media on the symbolic policy agenda. Analysing data from the Hungarian Comparative Agendas Project, we demonstrate that this effect is extremely weak in the Hungarian policy-making process. We identified those issues that received greater than average coverage in the media. However, we found that in the majority of cases governmental initiatives or decisions preceded the media coverage – that is, instead of the media agenda pulling the policy agenda, the general logic is the opposite: the media are talking about the policy initiatives of the government. The ambition of the paper is twofold. First, our findings reinforce those claims in the literature that point to the many institutional and political factors affecting the media-politics nexus. This suggests that policy-making might be very different in new(er) democracies. Second, our research analyses the policy-making side of Viktor Orbán’s governance. Changes in the polity, democratic backlash and illiberal tendencies are usually the focus concerning the political changes in Hungary since 2010, but no attention has been devoted to how this type of governance is reflected in policy-making. Our paper seeks to make a contribution also in this respect.     

“Unnatural Fornication” Cases Under State-Socialism: A Hungarian–Slovenian Comparative Social-Historical Approach

This comparative social-historical study examines different versions of state-socialist body politics manifested in Hungary and Slovenia mainly during the 1950s by using archive material of “unnatural fornication” court cases. By analyzing the available Hungarian “természet elleni fajtalanság” and Slovenian “nenaravno ob?evanje” court cases, we can shed light on how the defendants were treated by the police and the judiciary. On the basis of these archive data that have never been examined before from these angles, we can construct an at least partial picture of the practices and consequences of state surveillance of same-sex-attracted men during state-socialism. The article explores the functioning of state-socialist social control mechanisms directed at nonnormative sexualities that had long-lasting consequences on the social representation of homosexuality in both countries.     

Prejudices,social competencies and political orientations in relation to schools’ hidden curriculum

In the framework of a one-and-a-half year long research and development project implemented by the Kurt Lewin Foundation, we studied the relationships between organizational culture and the hidden curriculum of schools, as well as how students’ knowledge, opinions, and attitudes are connected to active citizenship, democratic values, social and political issues, and questions related to minorities. We were interested to discover whether we could find any connections between school life, teaching competencies, teachers’ knowledge and students’ extreme right sentiments, and political attitudes. According to our hypothesis, students in a more democratic school should hold more democratic views, and should be more open towards minorities, demonstrating more support for human rights and the rule of law. Our research – focusing on graduating student cohorts, studying in secondary schools located in Eastern Hungary – only partly confirmed our hypothesis: the schools involved in the project influenced students’ knowledge, opinions, and attitudes regarding issues within schools. However, with respect to most questions, there was a limited relationship between school environment and student attitudes regarding social-political issues outside the schools. Our research also explored the underlying reasons behind the results and – connected to that – possible ways to ameliorate attitudes, from the school management level to educational policy-making.

A Kurt Lewin Alapítvány másféléves kutatási-fejlesztési programja során megvizsgáltuk, hogy milyen kapcsolat van az iskolák szervezeti kultúrája, rejtett tanterve és a diákok aktív állampolgársággal, demokratikus értékekkel, szociális és politikai kérdésekkel, valamint kisebbségekkel kapcsolatos tudása, vélekedése és attit?dje között. Arra voltunk kíváncsiak, hogy található-e kapcsolat az iskolai élet, a tanítás és a tanárok ismeretei, kompetenciái és attit?dje, valamint a diákok széls?jobboldalhoz kapcsolódó érzelmei és politikai attit?dje között. Hipotézisünk szerint a demokratikusabb iskolák diákjai maguk is inkább demokratikusak, nyitottabbak a kisebbségek felé, jobban támogatják az emberi jogokat és a jogállami kereteket. Kutatásunk, melyben kelet-magyarországi középiskolák végz?s diákjai vettek rész, csak részben igazolta feltevésünket: a programba bevont iskolák a diákok iskolán belüli életére vonatkozóan bírnak befolyásoló hatással a diákok tudására, véleményére és attit?djeire. Mindazonáltal a legtöbb kérdés esetében az iskola falain kívüli élet társadalmi-politikai ügyeit illet?en nincsenek jelent?s hatással. Kutatásunk annak is utána járt, hogy milyen magyarázatok találhatók az eredményekre és - ehhez kapcsolódóan - milyen fejlesztési lehet?ségek állnak rendelkezésre az iskolaigazgatási szintt?l egészen az oktatáspolitikai döntéshozásig. Jelen cikkünkben a diákok adott társadalmi-politikai kérdéseket illet? attit?djeire vonatkozó eredményeket és a releváns fejlesztési javaslatokat ismertetjük.     

A great leap towards liberalism? The Hungarian welfare state

The article analyses the changing role of the Hungarian state by examining the principles and boundaries of government commitment in income maintenance. I test the hypothesis that the welfare regime is liberal and is becoming increasingly more so. The empirical analysis addresses three major issues: the reliance on universal schemes in family support, the nature of poor relief assistance, and the institutional structure of the pension system. I find that these different programs do not add up to constitute any specific type of welfare regime. Rather, the emerging, and still transitory welfare system appears 'faceless'. I claim that a static welfare typology cannot be applied to the Hungarian welfare system and therefore reject the liberal hypothesis.     

Minimum wage violation in central and eastern Europe

This article analyses minimum wage violations over the period 2003–12 in ten central and eastern European countries which all have national statutory minimum wages. Using European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU‐SILC) data and the methodology proposed by Bhorat, Kanbur and Mayet (2013), the authors measure the incidence and depth of violation. In addition, they conduct regression analyses on individual, workplace and macro‐level determinants of non‐compliance. While the incidence of violation remains relatively low, the workers that minimum wage policies seek to protect appear to be the most likely to be affected by non‐compliance. Over time, higher minimum to average wage ratios are related to a higher incidence of violation.     

Hungary's experiment in legalizing casual employment

Hungary's 1997 Casual Employment Act was originally meant to formalize ad hoc employment relationships entered into by private individual employers through simplified administrative procedures. After being widely abused, however, this flexible regulatory framework was eventually opened up to all employers, with a higher ceiling on the number of days workable on this basis, drastically reduced social security contributions and strong tax incentives. The aim was then to reduce unemployment and the incidence of illegal work by stretching the boundaries of formal employment, but neither of these objectives was attained. Instead, the authors argue, the attempted flexicurity has greatly increased workers' vulnerability.     

Economic subsystems and the occupational structure: A comparison of Hungary and the United States

This article proposes a new way of looking at social inequality in socialist and nonsocialist societies. In the first section, a conceptual framework for recovering houseworkers for class analysis is introduced, and a historically-based argument for representing them in the occupational structure is advanced. The second section reviews the evolution of social cleavages from the preindustrial era to the present day and discusses the implications of using the same occupational classification scheme to describe both socialist and nonsocialist societies. This occupational classification is illustrated in the concluding section of the paper by reanalyzing data from Hungary and the United States. The results provide new insights into the structure of gender-based inequalities and the effects of socialism on the occupational division of labor.An earlier version of this article was presented at the 84th annual meeting of the American Sociological Association in San Francisco, August 1989.     

EU-Funds Efficiency and the First National Development Plan in Hungary 2004–2006

The author highlights the importance of the difference between the efficiency and effectiveness of using the EU-subsidies. If Hungary cannot use the financial means of the EU efficiently and effectively, then the goal of cohesion and convergence to the level of the old, developed countries of the EU will be much more difficult and slower. The efficiency of the EU-subsidies involves a quantitative approach, where the ratio of the obliged and disposable amount of EU-subsidies can be measured. The effectiveness of EU-subsidies, on other hand, requires a much more complicated and complex approach, than the efficiency. The effectiveness of the usage on a project level can be measured by the “added value” of the project; on program level it can be measured by the added GDP growth or employment. The article presents the results of research carried out in the Research Group of Professor Tibor Palánkai at Corvinus University of Budapest, Hungary. S. G. Nagy is a member of the OTKA Research Group of Professor Tibor Palánkai (NI 68085).