The re-enchantment of social institutions: Max Weber and public relations

The German sociologist Max Weber is rarely referred to in public relations theory and research. In this article it is argued that his concepts of legitimacy and legitimation are relevant for understanding and analyzing public relations activities. Legitimacy, i.e. having sufficient external support to continue to exist, is seen as the ultimate purpose of public relations, and legitimation is seen as the efforts which are aimed at acquiring organizational legitimacy. The article discusses both theoretical and practical implications of these ideas for the field of public relations.     

马克斯·韦伯的"学术自由"初探

马克斯·韦伯这位社会科学的巨人给后人留下了丰富而宝贵的思想遗产,然而有关他的大学"学术自由"的研究至今仍是一个空白。本文试图从韦伯的生平和学术经历中揭示出他对所思考的"学术自由"所具有的特殊意义,并对他的"学术自由"作出初步剖析。最后,本文指出了韦伯的"学术自由"所不可避免的缺陷。     

现代社会的道德定位:责任自觉

在现代社会,由于工具理性的全面统治和价值理性的消褪,给现代社会所带来的后果就是世界的“祛魅”,现代人所处的道德困境是意义感的丧失。解决生命的价值和生活的意义,只能是实现责任伦理的自觉。在中国市场经济不断深入和完善的过程中,责任伦理的自觉更具有现实意义。     

Weber Was Right: Death,Taxes, Working Capital,and the Excessive Propensity for Accumulation

It turns out that Max Weber was on to something when he suggested that it was not natural or automatic that wealthy individuals invest their capital rather than keep it or spend it on themselves. Patterns of economic growth and capital investment in the United States over the last century indicate that in general some inducement or pressure is necessary to convince those who control money to risk it rather than hoard it.     

Business reform outcomes: Why so different?

Post-crisis policy making increasingly focuses on doing business reforms. We argue that the effects of those reforms will be different across countries. To understand the reasons for the reform outcome divergence, we advance a novel firm-size distribution (FSDs) argument. At the center of the argument is the fact that FSDs are different across countries and stable over time. Then, if a given doing business reform induces firms of different size to grow differently, this will produce a variety of reform outcomes across countries. To advance the argument, we set up a tractable general equilibrium (GE) model and study how firms of different size grow after a doing business reform. The model predicts that larger firms will grow faster than smaller firms after the reform. The model predictions are tested on the Enterprise Surveys (ES) data, merged with the Doing Business indicators. We confirm that firms of different size grow differently after a Doing Business reform. Thus, based on the notable differences of firm size distributions across countries, identical reforms to start, operate and close a business will produce a variety of reform outcomes across countries.     

马克斯·韦伯与教育社会学研究

在韦伯的社会学中,各个分支社会学之间存在着有机的关联,宗教、政治、经济、法律、教育混成一体,很难区分出中心和边缘。也正因如此,论述韦伯的教育社会学,就绝非是在描述韦伯社会学中一些处在边缘的非体系性的有关教育的散论,我们更应看到的是它内含着丰富的问题意识和思想性。在“韦伯的教育社会学”层面,我们可以讨论韦伯就教育究竟著述了些什么;在“韦伯式的教育社会学”层面,我们可以着重探讨后人在韦伯的理论和方法论的影响下进行了怎样的教育社会学研究;在“韦伯的社会学与教育”层面,要讨论的是,从韦伯的社会学原著中,或者从有关韦伯社会学的研究中,我们可以发掘出什么样的具有深层次启发意义的教育研究命题。     

康有为的孔教革命:基于韦伯“卡里斯马”和“价值理性化”概念的考察

本文承接马克斯·韦伯对于传统中国的观察,在李猛论文的启发下,尝试对近代中国理性化转轨的初生时刻进行个案研究,聚焦于康有为在戊戌变法前后推动的革命性的孔教运动。依托韦伯的若干理论概念,本文认为这一运动起于康氏对自身卡里斯马的自觉,进而对孔子、孔学做了宗教化的再阐释。康氏的普遍主义取向的宗教改革虽然夭折,但对同时期的庙产兴学运动和稍后的反迷信运动有重要的触发意义。一方面呈现为神秘化,另一方面却是在理性化西方的挑战下应运而生,这使得康氏变教的价值合理化努力难以成功。孔教革命虽然以激进的面目出现,但其意图却是保守性的,即试图在大变局中维持儒士阶层的整全性。理性化转轨的历史使命随后交到了“主义”政党的手中。     

边疆、边界与国家:韦伯的“农业-政治”研究的理论启发

本文以19世纪90年代中期德国的工业化和城市化过程为背景,以韦伯对"农业-政治"问题的讨论为核心,提出了国家的边疆、边界等问题,讨论人口、物资、资本等流动下的国家经济建设与政治结构。文中涉及的实质性问题包括：全球化、工业化背景之下的农村发展问题,国家建设与国家治理思路,以及国家边界的多重（政治、经济与文化）含义。本文认为,在法律、政治、经济等角度的国家观之外,可以建立一种社会取向的、以国民为核心的"国民-国家"观,即包容多元,建立共识,赋予国民以平等的基本权利,并建立国民共享权责和符合国民基本特质的政体制度。     

“李约瑟难题”的再探索

"李约瑟难题"至今仍然困扰着学术界.学者们从各自的角度提出了不同的解答方案,但众说纷纭,莫衷一是.笔者通过对中西科学观在思维方式、价值取向、思想观念等方面的比较,认为近代科学在欧洲出现是科学自身发展的结果,中国传统科学根本不具备产生近代科学的要素,因此西方意义上的近代科学是不可能在中国诞生的.