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1.
This study examined the role of political public relations in the process of intercandidate agenda-setting. Specifically, a content analysis of news releases, political speeches, and issue platform statements was conducted to assess the salience of issues and attributes in the 2004 presidential election from the Bush, Kerry, and Nader campaigns. While modest evidence for intercandidate agenda-setting associations regarding issue salience was obtained, more robust support was detected for attribute salience relationships. In light of these findings, the theoretical and practical implications for political public relations are discussed.  相似文献   
2.
本文立足社会转型时期的传播现实,结合当前舆论引导中新的特点,借鉴大众传播议程设置的理论成果,对传媒和受众之间的关系进行了新的阐释。文章提出:有效的舆论引导是以体现引导和参与的主体互动为特征的,它不仅有利于提高传播主体的主动性、指导性和权威性,而且有利于增强接受主体的依赖性、自主性和参与性。  相似文献   
3.
State-controlled media use similar message techniques to target specific publics that counterparts in democratic societies use. We explore talking points (attributes) and themes (frames) through content analysis in state-produced propaganda directed at two different audiences. Domestic and internationally targeted propaganda (N = 1491) from Iran regarding the issue of regional security was reviewed. Results indicated Iran emphasized different attributes and frames based on audiences. Themes about enemy correlated, and relationships between officials and themes were explored.  相似文献   
4.
"洪战辉报道"的成功在于其"成功的"议题设置", 整合资源,集中报道,营造强势效应,在于对整个事件的辩证处理,在于很好地坚持贯彻了以事实说话的原则,"诉诸理性"与"诉诸感情"报道方式有效结合;洪战辉媒体报道的不足在于故事层面报道较多,深层挖掘不够,在于求独家,抢新闻,造成一定的负面影响;从洪战辉宣传报道启示我们应该从文化人类学角度辩证地去运用新闻价值标准,新闻传媒应该主动积极地参与社会建设.  相似文献   
5.
论“议程设置”在国家形象塑造中的舆论导向作用   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
"议程设置"是由美国传播学者提出的理论假设,它提示人们,在有媒介居间的大众传播活动中,媒介议题直接影响受众议题。文本认为,既然受众对客观事物和问题的看法带有媒介引导的色彩,那么国际社会对一个国家的认知与评价也就脱离不了这个框架。文章进而指出,中国的国家形象(即外部公众对中国的印象)是由西方发达国家的媒介所设置的,其中充满了"固定的成见"。中国要想突破西方国家既有的认知、评价藩篱,就必须参与到国际舆论的议程设置中去。  相似文献   
6.
In this study I reassess a set of fundamental organization forms (unitary, divisional, and matrix) as agenda-setting and political governance systems. My method of analysis is based on how political scientists study agendas in committees. Specifically, I first recount that moving from a functional (unitary) to a product-line (divisional) structure increases the types of conflict referred from lower to higher levels of the hierarchy, but does not increase the amount of conflict referred. I then show that moving from a product-line to a matrix structure increases the amount and the types of conflict referred to higher levels of the hierarchy; that it is possible in matrix forms that no conflict is resolved at the lowest levels of the hierarchy; and, that accountability is reduced for those who are able to refer conflict. The study reveals implications for matrix forms that derive from this view of organizations as agenda-setting and political governance systems. This analysis fits with the recent history of matrix forms in a variety of organizations.  相似文献   
7.
浅析《南方周末》的新闻理念与议题设置   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
作为国内一家影响很大的城市周末报 ,《南方周末》已有较为成熟和独特的新闻理念 ,在议题设置方面也有鲜明特点。通过对该报内容的分析 ,文章从新闻理念和议题设置两个方面对《南方周末》进行了个案研究  相似文献   
8.
What Risks Are People Concerned About   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
An unusual questionnaire was used to explore what risks concern laypeople. It asked respondents to list, in their own words, as many risks of personal concern as they could. They then selected the five risks of greatest concern and answered a set of specific questions about each. A coding scheme was developed for categorizing these responses and was shown to have good reliability. The questionnaire was administered to a heterogeneous convenience sample of subjects. They reported a very broad range of risks of concern, which differed in plausible ways as a function of their gender and age. Females and student-age subjects were generally more concerned about the environment, whereas males and older subjects were more likely to mention health and safety risks. Both the extent of the risk-reduction actions that they reported and their expressed willingness to pay for future risk reductions were greater for risk that presented a direct personal threat (e.g., health risks) than for risks that posed a diffuse threat to the environment or to people in general (e.g., pollution). Respondents perceived themselves as bearing primary responsibility for managing threats to their own health, but generally saw government as bearing a heavier responsibility for managing environmental risks (especially for pollutants) and war. The questionnaire instrument and coding structure developed for this work are well-suited to a variety of future research applications. They provide a way to identify the risks that concern lay groups, as well as to track the evolution of those concerns over time.  相似文献   
9.
This article seeks to review recent research and scholarship in the sociology of Catholicism, as well as focusing on areas needing greater attention. In taking stock of this literature, I identify institutional change, church-society interactions, institutional resources and influence, and the church as international actor as four key topics that have engaged scholarship. I review existing research under each, as well as highlighting gaps and blind spots that invite further inquiry of this specific religious group.  相似文献   
10.
文章以网络热点事件议程设置的建构为切入点,从传播内容、传播者和接受者三方面探寻网络议程设置二元对峙的符码.其内容主要表现为弱势群体与公权力的对峙,传播者中草根型的舆论领袖与理性交往的背离,以及集体记忆与现实语境的混响,最终发现当下危机应对策略无法深入到文化内涵层面,“公权力德行”重建才是弥合目前矛盾的关键所在.  相似文献   
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