论刘师培的“大道为公之世”

大同理想是中国传统政治文化的重要特征之一,在近代特殊的历史条件下,它的内容又有了极大的丰富,一大批思想家为大同世界所吸引,希望以此来拯救满目疮痍的中国社会.在这些思想家中,便有刘师培.刘师培的 "大道为公之世" ,以人人平等为原则为核心,试图通过"均力主义"来消灭社会分工,以实行其无政府主义的理想社会.这是不同于洪秀全、康有为、孙中山的大同世界,是近代独树一帜、特色鲜明的又一种类型的大同理想.     

孙中山与中国早期无政府主义者

无政府主义是20世纪初在中国出现的几个影响比较大的思潮之一，后期分化剧烈。孙中山先生作为中国民主革命的领导人，与中国的无政府主义有过多次交往。本拟从孙中山先生与早期无政府主义的交往中，看出在中国人民向西方寻求真理的过程中，许多人曾经迷茫过，但最后经过多次的选择，终于选择了民主革命的道路。     

WHOS EMMA AND THE LIMITS OF CULTURAL STUDIES

Cultural studies is a response to political crisis: it is the institutional memory of failed revolutions. Can cultural studies move beyond memory to action? This article describes the writer's involvement in a non-profit, volunteer-run punk storefront in Toronto.     

黄文山与“五四”时期的无政府主义思潮

黄文山是我国“五四”前后著名的无政府主义者，他对无政府主义思想在中国的传播起到了极大的推动作用。他一方面成立无政府主义社团和出版刊物，翻译国外的无政府主义著作，另一方面发表阐释无政府主义思想的论著，提出“建设的无政府主义”，多方阐释“无政府共产主义”概念，对无政府主义的“暗杀”与“暴动”进行合理性解释。他自始至终坚信无政府主义就是“真正”的社会主义、共产主义，并对马克思主义的社会主义、共产主义的实践与理论多有批判。     

周作人的“人学”理论辨析

周作人的“人学”理论立足于生物进化的视点,探讨人的生存和个性的发展。他试图以“大人类”的观念、平民和贵族的精神来消解或淡化国家、民族和阶级等观念,在“人类”、“人间”的背景之下突出人的个性追求的价值和普遍意义,这即是“个人主义的人间本位主义”的内涵。它既有合理的一面也有荒谬的一面。无政府主义思潮和新村主义理想对周作人的“人学”理论的形成产生了直接的影响。     

Spanish anarchist engagements in electoralism: from street to party politics

The eruption of the Spanish 15M movement in 2011 was marked by a high degree of political participation and creative experimentation. The political repertoire has constantly been re-evaluated, with methods revised and evolving, from the occupation of public spaces to the recent creation of new constitutional parties. One of the key aspects of these tactical revisions has been the involvement of anarchist actors in an experimental process of engagement in electoral processes, a method of political engagement anarchists standardly oppose. Our study identifies the motivations and theoretical justifications that have recently led libertarian activists to take the electoral path. This paper stands in the small but growing tradition of works that examine the recent phenomenon of new parties built by ‘street’ activists, but uniquely concentrates on a detailed case study of the anarchist actors linked to the platform Castelló en Moviment (CsM). It thus describes the anarchist influence in recent electoral developments, identifies proponents’ justifications for engaging in these previously rejected methods and highlights some of the doubts raised about the electoral experiment.     

试论陈独秀和区声白关于无政府主义的论战

20世纪20年代初,陈独秀和区声白通过书信往来针对无政府主义展开了激烈论战,焦点集中在关于自由、联合、法律与契约、阶级战争与权力集中四个方面。双方除了分歧外,在反对绝对自由、进行革命以推翻现存制度等方面也达成了共识。虽然区声白的认识在理论上的偏见自不待言,但他对自由的阐释以及针砭时弊的现实关怀是值得肯定的。     

东亚三国(韩·中·日)无政府主义的比较

过去对日本、中国、韩国的无政府主义运动的研究主要局限于民族或国家的范围内,事实上对此运动仅限于一国范围内是非常难以理解无政府主义的国际主义性格的。因此笔者认为有必要在东亚这个更广泛的角度上,通过比较研究三国的无政府主义运动,来更切实地理解近代的无政府主义。这篇文章首先在比较东亚三国无政府主义收容-发展-衰退过程的特征的同时,将对无政府主义和民族主义、国际主义之间的关系等进行说明。韩·中·日三国的无政府主义者在走上无政府之路的过程中虽有各自的特征,但他们的无政府主义在精神上和西方是一致的。通过比较研究的方法,在更加鲜明地理解韩·中·日无政府主义运动的共同点和差异点的同时,并理解近代无政府主义的现实意义。     

The Struggle for Symbolic Dominance in the British ‘Anti-Capitalist Movement Field’

This article provides a study of ideological conflict and competition between anarchist and socialists in the British anti-capitalist movement between 2001 and 2005. Using an ethnographic study, including 30 semi-structured interviews, observations of major mobilisations and documentary analysis, I argue that a symbolic struggle for ideological dominance over the anti-capitalist movement took place. To understand and explain the dynamics of this movement struggle I conceptualise the anti-capitalist movement as a field in the Bourdieusian sense of the term. Anarchist networks were the dominant players within this field for over a decade; however, the emergence and actions of newly formed socialist organisations challenged their dominance. Both sides attempted to accrue different forms of capital to further their ideological agenda which brought them into conflict with each other. This conceptualisation offers a new direction for understanding conflict, not just for anti-capitalist activists, but also for the study of social movements generally.