State‐led industrial development,structural transformation and elite‐led plunder: Angola (2002–2013) as a developmental state

From 2002 to 2013, Angola engaged in large‐scale state‐led reconstruction and development alongside an elite‐led appropriation and seizure of national assets. Until the oil price shock, Angola had been succeeding in promoting rapid economic growth, and possibly even significant social development, alongside a massive grab of wealth and power by local elites. Today, though an economic crisis has taken hold, frequent predictions of the country's imminent collapse have yet to be fulfilled. This article reviews the state's development planning and expenditure with a focus on public investment and industrial development to determine to what extent Angola during this period might be considered a developmental or petro‐developmental state. It is argued that, while more significant than generally thought, petro‐developmental outcomes were and are limited by the autocratic and neopatrimonial tendencies of the Angolan elite. Nevertheless, limited success with structural transformation may have lasting effects. Following its long civil war, the conditions existed for Angola to follow a new path of state‐led development. Though it may now be more difficult, structural transformation and economic diversification remain the only path to economic and social development.     

The interaction between landmine clearance and land rights in Angola: A volatile outcome of non-integrated peacebuilding

The current approach to peacebuilding by the international community is to focus on the priorities thought to be important to recovery, but this occurs in a largely non-integrated way. With these different endeavors largely isolated from each other in planning, analysis, implementation, and measures for success, little is known about how they interact and whether or not the aggregate effect contributes to, or detracts from durable peace. This is especially important for priorities which in some way interact with each other on the ground among a recipient population. Two of these priorities for recovery, landmine clearance and land rights, while taking place on the same lands at the same time, and for the same people, are regarded separately as crucial to postwar recovery, and their interaction has not yet been examined. This article looks at these two priorities for Angola, and finds in their interaction a number of ways in which they detract from durable peace. This is a result of, 1) the role of areas adjacent to mine contaminated locations, 2) land grabbing, 3) the actions and role of the State, 4) the problematic interaction between different sectors involved in recovery, 5) the ongoing return of refugees and internal dislocatees and their (re)settlement, and 6) the lack of awareness of land tenure issues on the part of ‘mine action’ organizations. Subsequent to an examination of these forms of interaction this article looks at possible ways forward, focusing on, 1) the derivation of a form of ‘forced transparency’ as a deterrent to land grabbing, 2) enhancing the utility of ‘land release’ within the mine action community, 3) linkage of the different sectors concerned with mine action and land rights, and 4) the role that donors of mine action can play.     

中国与安哥拉石油合作探析

安哥拉石油资源丰富,是世界重要的石油生产和出口地区,也是中国主要的石油供应国与合作伙伴。目前中安石油合作成果显著,得益于两国良好的政治关系、经济上的互补性。但安哥拉国内特殊的政治、经济环境,西方国家的责难,以及中国石油公司自身的缺陷也使合作面临严峻的挑战。对中安石油合作的现状、优势及存在的问题进行系统分析,并提出相应的对策建议,有助于深化中安关系,维护中国在非洲的石油利益。     

Post-abolition Angola in a post-colonial mission archive: a preliminary contextualisation of a photograph from the Spiritans’ mission in Malange,northern Angola, 1904

This essay is about issues of methodology when undertaking research in a post-colonial missionary archive. It is an attempt at recovering the local history of post-abolition Angola from the photographic holdings of the archive of the Spiritan Congregation by restoring the links of a photograph to its context and to contemporary historical discourse. The subject matter is a photograph taken in 1904 at the mission of Malange, in northern Angola. It shows catechists, men and women wearing European and African dress, and children, some of whom were born “free,” while others were “freed slaves.” They were grouped around a Marian shrine on the occasion of the inauguration of the first printed edition of Spiritans’ bilingual catechism in Portuguese and Kimbundu. By commuting between foreground and background, the essay traces the ramifications of the history of a cultural zone of confluence of different worlds. The project underlying the essay is to use historical photographs to recover the past seen from “the other side.”     

Decolonisation postponed: the failure of the colonial politics of Marcelo Caetano (1968–1974)

This paper discusses the incapacity of the Portuguese Estado Novo to successfully decolonise its territories in southern Africa, especially Angola and Mozambique. More precisely, what I will analyse is the failure of the policy of autonomy for the colonies promoted by Portugal’s Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano between 1968 and 1974. As such, I will first analyse the Portuguese colonial administration’s reform process carried out by Marcelo Caetano, under its policy of “progressive autonomy and participation” of the colonies. Then, I will discuss the limits of this policy of autonomy and the brewing of strong tensions within the Portuguese regime. Finally, I will make a few remarks about the blockade of Marcelo Caetano’s government, which resulted in the fall of the dictatorship on April 25, 1974     

The struggle for the state and the politics of belonging in contemporary Angola, 1975–2015

On the occasion of the 40th anniversary of Angola’s independence, this essay revisits key dimensions of the country’s postcolonial trajectory through the prism of the complex politics of the nationalist struggle and the first decades of self-rule. Its goal is to provide a series of reflections, mostly centred on the MPLA regime, rather than a comprehensive treatment of all political actors in Angolan politics of recent decades. It argues, firstly, that Angola’s trajectory from independence to the end of the country’s long civil war in 2002 was powerfully conditioned by the structural legacies of late colonialism, the associated intra-nationalist politics and the particular circumstances of the end of empire in 1975. To these legacies, the essay adds the (constrained, but real) choices made by Angolan decision-makers in terms of institutional consolidation, the management of the economy and state–society relations. Secondly, the essay outlines the extent to which the MPLA’s 2002 victory against UNITA in the country’s civil war did away with the fragmentation that had characterised Angolan politics since the 1960s. The clashing, indeed mutually exclusionary, nationalist projects that had jostled for control of the Angolan state were replaced by a would-be hegemonic political force with a strong sense of legitimacy and a self-defined project of postwar nation building. The key question for the contemporary study of Angola – and one that the oil-fuelled politics of the national reconstruction era provided plenty of reflection on – is the extent to which the MPLA’s postwar vision can supersede the country’s historical divisions and provide the population with both the material prosperity it yearns for and a shared understanding of belonging.