“Who generates this city”? Socialist strategy in contemporary London

This essay, based on a “militant ethnography” of the attempts of the small radical grassroots activist group, Our London (a pseudonym), to mobilize a collective oppositional politics through activities around an election campaign, engages critically with E. Laclau and C. Mouffe's arguments on discourse and collectivity in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London: Verso, 1985). I argue, on the basis of my findings, that while their model does provide insights that help describe the process of building collectivity from among disparate perspectives and identities, we need to go beyond a focus on discourse alone and consider the ways politics is shaped by material contexts. This is necessary if we are to understand the continued appeal of class politics as well as the difficulties in mobilizing collectivity in highly unequal and fragmented cities. From an activist perspective, the essay also highlights how developing a conception of collective interests and a critique of overarching systems of exploitation can be important in building political unity.     

珍珠遗产历久弥新--2005中国镇江赛珍珠学术研讨会综述

在纪念中国抗日战争、世界反法西斯战争胜利60周年前夕,历史文化名城镇江第三次举行赛珍珠学术研讨会,纪念中国人民的朋友、美国女作家赛珍珠诞辰113周年.来自海内外逾百位专家学者研究和探讨了这位1938年诺贝尔文学奖得主的文学创作的题材特性、主题意蕴及艺术构成;考察和评估了她当年反映我国抗日斗争的文学作品、支持中国人民抗日的政论言论以及大量卓有成效的援华抗日活动的功绩;思考和展望了她所留给我们的遗产,在今天全球化和本土化趋势并存发展的语境下,其跨文化的独特经历及对文化多元共存、互相尊重的认识所具有的特殊价值和深远意义.     

论华中抗日根据地基层政权的民主选举—以乡选为中心的考察

为从根本上改造基层政权,中国共产党领导下的华中抗日根据地广泛开展了一场轰轰烈烈的民主选举运动。根据地颁布了一系列法令、条例,使选举规范化;人民群众在实践中也充分发挥智慧创造了适合自己的选举方式。选举体现了广泛性、平等性、真实性的特点。这一运动使基层政权性质彻底改变,为争取抗战乃至整个新民主主义革命的胜利提供了重要保证。     

抗战时期中共执政陕甘宁边区研究述评

抗战时期中共执政陕甘宁边区的成功实践,把陕甘宁边区建设成了抗日民主政治的模范区、新经济生活的模范区、建设先进文化的楷模,为中共全国范围内的执政做了有益的尝试,积累了丰富的经验。学术界对中共执政陕甘宁边区的研究主要涉及民主建政、发展经济、建设新文化、当代意义等方面。     

东北抗日义勇军入新后对新疆社会的影响

“九·一八”事变后，东北军民组成抗日义勇军与日军进行了殊死搏斗，最后被迫退出东北，取道苏联，来到新疆。他们为稳定新疆政局、新疆军事的近代化、新疆经济文化的发展等作出了贡献，对新疆社会产生广泛影响。     

教育史上的壮烈篇章--抗战时期武汉学校内迁纪实

文章回顾了抗战期间武汉各类学校分别迁往四川、云南、鄂西等地的艰难岁月,陈述了师生艰苦奋斗,共度时艰的事例,表现了师生在温饱不保的战乱环境中发愤工作、努力学习、宣传抗日救亡的民族精神.     

论抗日民族统一战线的历史性功绩

中国共产党是中国人民抗日战争的中流砥柱,其重要功绩之一就是在民族危亡的关键时刻,高举起抗日民族统一战线的伟大旗帜。这面旗帜,开辟了中国政党政治的新局面,改变了尖锐对立的国共关系,国共两党重新合作,为抗日战争的胜利奠定了重要的政治基础;这面旗帜,为中国各民主党派的发展和壮大提供了机会和可能,民主党派成为抗日民族统一战线的重要组成部分,是中华民族团结抗日的积极力量;这面旗帜,最大限度地调动了中国人民的抗日积极性,广大人民群众成为抗日民族统一战线的主体和中坚力量,使抗日战争成为真正的人民战争;这面旗帜,使中国共产党在极其困难的条件下,开展了积极的外交活动,为其走向世界、被国际社会所承认创造了有利的条件。     

Art in Social Movements: Shantytown Women's Protest in Pinochet's Chile

How social movements use art is an understudied question in the social movements literature. Ethnographic research on the use of art by the prodemocracy movement in Pinochet's Chile suggests that art plays a very important role in social movements, which use it for framing, to attract resources, to communicate information about themselves, to foster useful emotions, and as a symbol (for communicating a coherent identity, marking membership, and cementing commitment to the movement).     

L'Intervention Sociologique After Twenty-Five Years: Can It Translate into English?

The sociological intervention is a research method developed in France by Alain Touraine in 1976 to explore social movement action. Since then it has undergone significant development, both in terms of the type of social experience explored and the broader research program framing it. Despite its importance, the intervention remains little known and virtually untested within English-language sociology. This article examines key dimensions of this research method through discussing several examples, and argues that the intervention has much to offer English-language sociologists concerned with questions of agency and reflexivity, relationship, narrative and experience.     

Hearts and Minds and Morality: Analyzing Moral Vocabularies in Qualitative Studies

A strategy of analyzing the moral vocabulary of a social movement or subculture is proposed by which ethnographies and other qualitative works may place the moral and ethical concepts used by respondents into a broader sociological context. Through examining the moral resources, the status hierarchy which the specific moral resources within a given moral vocabulary form, and the historical and cultural contexts within which these moral resources exist, it is argued that it becomes possible to analyze and anticipate the moral claims and form of discourse which will be produced by a specific movement and/or subculture. It is also argued that this method may be used to predict how the opposition to a movement and/or subculture is perceived through the formation of an antithetical moral vocabulary.