The ‘affective security curriculum’: breeding JBs through the marriage of the academic and the jingoistic

How does the US recruit its citizen spies used to maintain and proliferate coercive power? I use an interdisciplinary approach and a framework of affect theory to argue that there is an ‘affective security curriculum’ (ASC) that assists in explaining the tendencies towards jingoism used in the recruitment and indoctrination of students – as future security workers – in certain academic disciplines. The ASC is precisely the phenomenon that works to construct this expert class and is produced by order words, the most crucial of which is ‘terrorism’, as well as larger cultural norms linked to neoliberalism that have achieved near total dominance since the 1980s. The ASC works by intensifying the (in)ability to act for those in its domain. The necessity of linguistically proficient security workers to the US’ hegemonic project makes this a question of considerable political importance. The ASC is a different approach to answering questions of how US hegemony is maintained. Whereas positivist research agendas, such as content analysis, and postpositivist approaches, such as critical discourse analysis, certainly have their uses (and to which my notion of ASC is indebted), paradigms such as these fail to focus on the engendering processes at work vis-à-vis the expert class, without which the discursive frames such methodologies analyse would simply dissipate. My overarching purpose in this paper is to develop the concept of the ASC, its quiddity, and to present at least an incipient methodology for analysing its critical duties. As my primary intent is to introduce and conceptualize the theoretical framework of the affective security curriculum, the applied segment of this endeavour will be relatively brief – and is designed as a primer for further research.     

20世纪60年代美中央情报局对中苏关系的评估--对美国情报委员会最新解密档案的分析

美国最新解密的中央情报局20世纪60年代初、中和末期撰写的中苏关系评估报告,通过不同层面,较客观地分析了此阶段中苏关系的变化情况,较为准确地判断和预测了中苏关系的走向.但是,不同体制国家文化背景上的巨大差异,对社会主义国家决策程序必要了解的不足,重视苏联动向的习惯,以及文革造成的中国国内局势的动乱,使得报告作者的理性考量也存在不少偏差,对中国方面的某些迹象缺乏敏感.     

20世纪50年代美国制定和执行西藏政策的跨部门分析

20世纪50年代,美国主要外交战略核心部门全面参与了对华西藏政策的制定。美国国家安全委员会、总统、国务院、中央情报局、国会、国防部等相关部门在制定和执行西藏政策过程中分工明确,协同配合,体现了美国战略决策部门利用西藏遏制中国目标的高度一致。     

英汉关系分句的对比分析——以对比分析和中介语对比分析为视角

对比分析发现,英汉两种语言中的关系分句在词序、关系词、关系分句出现的频率等方面有差异。这些方面的不同会对中国学习者使用英语关系分句造成一定的干扰,就此可以提出三条假设:中国英语学习者在中介语产出中对关系分句使用不足;他们对关系分句限制性/非限制性的区分模糊;对关系词的正确选用会出现困难。中介语对比分析结果证实了这三条假设。     

基于语料库的中国英语学习者口笔语中词性分布比例研究

基于英语学习者和英语本族语者语料库的研究,采用中介语对比分析的方法,对比分析了中国英语学习者与本族语者口笔语中词性比例的差异.研究结果表明,中国英语学习者口笔语中的词性比例与本族语者相比整体分布趋势一致,但有些词性的比例与本族语者差异较大,且口语、笔语语体特征不明显.     

Making Feminist Sense out of ‘Charlie Wilson's War’

Charlie Wilson's War (2007), Mike Nichols's film about the womanizing Congressman who engineered black funds for the CIA's proxy war in Soviet-occupied Afghanistan, is historically misleading but highly instructive, because in packaging dominant American masculine identity and war politics as popular entertainment for post-9/11 audiences, it reveals the sexed and gendered ‘politics of the visual’ in global affairs. This intertextual study of ‘Charlie Wilson's war’ as movie, constructed history and legacy examines Wilson as a prime exhibit of a needy masculinity that, like the film's emasculated CIA, bulks itself up through surrogate military selves. It also analyses modes of the imaginary and specularity in brother-bonding with the mujahidin, tracks the proxy system's loops of masculine identity-and-war-making between Stateside and South Asia in the post-Vietnam 1980s and interrogates the dynamics of imperial ‘un-seeing’ in this campaign and its long aftermath. While US proxy wars proliferate worldwide, the lack of useable political memory about the ground truths of ‘Charlie's war’ continues to matter because America's second ‘good’ war in Afghanistan, bound to the first by gendered causal links, has re-empowered the forces that still menace women's rights and lives.     

艾森豪威尔政府拉拢印度尼西亚军人势力政策的确立——美国外交文档解密

1958年美国中央情报局支持的印尼外岛叛乱平息后,艾森豪威尔政府重新调整了对印尼的外交政策。在政策调整过程中美国国务院和军方的意见占据了上风,即主张政府多接触具有反共姿态的印尼陆军。随后美国国家安全委员会通过的5901号文件明确了印尼陆军已成为对印尼外交政策中的重要角色。1959年7月印尼政治体制回归到苏加诺主张的＂有领导的民主＂上,政党政治在印尼走向死亡,支持印尼军方的重要性尤为迫切,国家安全委员会6023号文件再次确认了此点。至此,陆军成为了美国制衡印尼国内政治向左倾发展的唯一代理人。     

基于语料库的中国英语学习者口笔语中词性分布比例研究

基于英语学习者和英语本族语者语料库的研究,采用中介语对比分析的方法,对比分析了中国英语学习者与本族语者口笔语中词性比例的差异。研究结果表明,中国英语学习者口笔语中的词性比例与本族语者相比整体分布趋势一致,但有些词性的比例与本族语者差异较大,且口语、笔语语体特征不明显。