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The article discusses the nature of the tangled interaction between the ex-Soviet Central Asian republics and the outside great powers – Russia, the United States and China. Although the so-called Great Game model is often used to explain the geopolitical rivalry in the region, the current pattern of relations between various international actors is much more complex than a traditional tug-of-war between the old colonial empires. While Russia's strategic role in Central Asia appears to be on the rise, the capacity of the West to influence political developments in the region has diminished. However, the overall situation in Central Asia remains volatile and its geopolitical landscape is far from being settled.  相似文献   
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东北亚地缘冷战历史的变化促成了中国对外开放的启动,并为中国经济的迅速崛起创造了最为直接和有利的外部地缘环境;崛起后的中国受到东北亚地缘大国如日本、俄罗斯以及世界性大国---美国的战略制衡,随着中国与地区各方势力由制衡向均衡的转变,中国的未来发展只有寻求常态式的发展模式,在东北亚地缘政治经济中更为积极地推动与本地区其他国家的经济合作,促进本地区的国际和平与经济利益的最大化;作为中国最核心利益的外围地区,东北亚对于中国实现经济现代化、国家的完全统一以及创造一个和平的国际环境至关重要。中国在东北亚的未来抉择问题上也只有延续世界历史的趋势,维持现实地缘利益的局面,积极推动地区经济合作与东北亚次一体化。  相似文献   
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日本“印太战略”是依据日本在当前国际格局中的地位和地缘政治现实制定的,目的是对冲和制衡中国在印太地区影响的扩展,以维护当前有利于日本的国际秩序,进而实现维护日本的国家利益。日本“印太战略”在政治和安全领域主要依托“四国安全对话机制”,以构建地区同盟架构的方式,逐步实现日本的地缘战略。这既是当前东亚地缘政治的现实,也是日本作为海洋型国家的战略选择。但是,由于合作国家的战略偏好和地缘利益的差异以及中国周边外交的成功实施,特别是国际格局演变的趋势,从不同的层面制约日本“印太战略”的实施。日本“印太战略”是一项综合性战略,是对中国“一带一路”倡议的针对性措施,对中国地区利益的影响较为广泛,中国应从战略上予以重视。  相似文献   
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本文侧重于探讨中亚五国的地缘战略地位及其在国际关系体系中能够发挥的作用,立足于俄美在中亚地区力量对比的变化以及这种变化对中亚国家的影响。  相似文献   
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2010年3月的"天安号事件"后,中国东亚地缘战略陷入困境,如何突破这种困境成为学术界共同关注的问题。鉴于韩国经济对中国的高度依赖、中韩两国的文化认同、美日韩三边关系存在的不稳定因素以及美韩两国对朝鲜半岛未来走向定位的差异性等多维原因,我们可将韩国作为中国东亚地缘战略困境的突破口。在对韩战略上,我们应以"经济外溢"、平等协商、文化交流与合作以及增进两国的政治互信为途径,通过中韩关系的改善实现对"围堵链条"的突破,从而为中国走出东亚地缘战略的困境找到出路。  相似文献   
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印度安全战略的目标是称霸南亚,控制印度洋,向世界大国迈进。这一目标从印度独立至今未发生变化。尽管冷战以后印度对其安全战略有所调整,但印度对其安全战略的考虑仍然集中在外部安全上。对此,地缘政治因素起了不可低估的作用。地缘政治是地理和政治的连接,它表达的是政治活动和该活动赖以发生的地理环境的特殊关系。本文就是通过对地理要素的分析来了解印度的安全环境、与安全环境相对应的安全战略及其发展态势,籍此揭示印度地缘政治因素在印度的安全战略的重大作用。  相似文献   
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Drawing upon insights from Deibert's (1997) reconstituted medium theory and critical geopolitics literature, this article examines Slovenia'sefforts at crafting an image of itself via the Internet for specific strategic goals such as EU and NATO accession, the promotion of tourism and the attraction of foreign direct investment. Through an examination of both the material and discursive practices undertaken by the Slovenian government, we demonstrate the difficulty inherent in challenging tropes that hegemonic powers disseminate through various media in order to craft the geopolitical world they operate in. Slovenia's websites represent an important form of resistance to hegemonic visions of space, visions that have excluded Slovenia's accession to certain power structures. The government uses the Internet to construct a discourse refuting assertions of unreadiness to accede to these institutions, a form of online lobbying that attempts to redraw the image of Slovenia in the minds of a global public. We conclude this examination not by making grand pronouncements about the efficacy of these efforts, but by demonstrating that these images are part and parcel of the efforts to disassociate Slovenia from the negative connotations of the Balkan moniker.The fact that these efforts incorporate the Internet, when linked to material practices and policies, raises questions about the possibilities of such resistance via new communication technologies.  相似文献   
8.
东北亚地区安全困境的多维透视   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
东北亚地区安全困境在本质上是一种权力政治的困境,同时也是国家行为体间安全认知的困境。东北亚安全困境的成因体现在三个方面:一是美国霸权造成的安全困境,二是东北亚地缘政治结构导致的大国关系困境,三是区域安全机制缺失带来的东北亚地区安全秩序困境,三者相互联系、相互促动,建构了东北亚地区安全的困境,使得东北亚地区至今仍没有形成地区安全的集体认同。各国利益的矛盾掩藏着军备竞赛和地区冲突的危险,安全困境的幽灵困扰着东北亚地区各国的国家安全。  相似文献   
9.
近年来,作为一个重要的地缘政治概念,“中南亚”引起了越来越多学者的注意和研究.从概念区别来看,“中南亚”的出现与一般意义上的地区主义概念差别较大,它是美国主导下出现的地缘政治概念,是中东的延伸.从地缘位置来看,中南亚紧邻我国,美国对中南亚的控制和影响对我国能源、社会、国家安全等具有重要影响,这无疑值得我们关注.  相似文献   
10.
方天建 《民族学刊》2016,7(6):70-77,118-119
The geographical situation of the Liao Dynasty was marked by vast dimensions and complicated territorial conditions. This complexity was reflected by the fact that the Liao Dynasty not only needed to oppose the powerful Northern Song Dynasty, but also had to deal with rebels of inter-nal vassal states or tribes. This geographical pre-dicament strongly seemed to favor the arrangement of a marriage relationship for peace between the Li-ao Dynasty and other powerful states. Geographically, the Xixia Regime bordered ( i ) on the Liao Dynasty in the northeast and north, ( ii) on the Northern Song Dynasty in the southeast and south, ( iii) on various tribes of the Tubo Regime and the Huangtou Huihu in the southwest, ( iv) and on Xizhou Huihu in the west and northwest. Therefore the Xixia Regime could be easily attacked by other powers, especially the Northern Song and the Liao Dynasties. Therefore, the arrangement of a marriage for peace with the Liao Dynasty also seemed to be an inevitable stra-tegic choice for the Xixia Regime. Although there were many reasons for arran-ging a marriage for peace between the Liao Dynasty and the Xixia Regime, safety and national interests always were the main considerations for these two regimes. Relying on research on basic historical materials and on earlier scholarly work, this article focuses on geographical safety as the main area of research, and on the arrangement of marriage for peace between the Liao Dynasty and the Xixia Re-gime as a specific reference. The article also con-ducts a study on the interactive relationships be-tween the Liao, Song and Xixia dynasties as part of the history of ethnic relations in ancient China. The article also aims to find relationship patterns by researching natural human correlations due to shared geographical space. This article finally no-tices that although geographical safety did not seem to be the decisive factor for arranging a marriage for peace between the Liao dynasty and the Xixia regime, it did play an important yet subtle role in forging the period ‘complicated geographical net-work of relationships ’ between the Liao, Song, and Xixia dynasties.  相似文献   
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