《巴黎圣母院》的性虐色彩——透视一种文化现象

性虐活动是欧洲古往今来特有的文化现象,本文认为,这种现象在雨果的《巴黎圣母院》中时有隐现,小说中加西莫多受鞭刑和克罗德观看对爱斯梅哈尔达的拷问并自虐致伤等情节隐含着性虐色彩,这和渗透在欧洲绘画雕塑中的性虐艺术趣味相似,透现出一种苦乐相生、痛快相承的残酷痛苦之美。     

Bringing Aid Management Closer to Reality: The Experience of Danish Bilateral Development Cooperation

In 2003, the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs undertook a decentralisation of the management of bilateral aid to the embassies in major partner countries. However, while decentralisation appears to live up to the principles of the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness, the specific delegation of responsibilities as well as the political context of aid management may jeopardise the intended contribution to effective development co‐operation. This article explores some factors potentially limiting the usefulness of decentralised aid management in the Danish case, and discusses certain intra‐organisational dynamics and extra‐organisational pressures influencing ‘donor effectiveness’.     

Organising for Donor Effectiveness: An Analytical Framework for Improving Aid Effectiveness

Donors have lagged behind aid recipients in adhering to the principles of aid effectiveness. Explaining the reasons for this demands greater awareness of organisational attributes within donor entities. To date, there have been only limited attempts to relate donor organisational factors to aid‐effectiveness goals. This article elaborates on a number of such relationships based on an empirical examination of donor dynamics in Norway, the UK and Canada. Donor effectiveness provides an important lens through which to build a robust post‐Busan global partnership.     

无产阶级政权建设规律的初步探索

马克思从揭示人类社会发展规律的角度,通过对世界上第一次出现的无产阶级政权——巴黎公社的分析和总结,阐述了科学社会主义政权建设理论,提出了一些基本政治原则。他指出:建立一个真正的人民国家是无产阶级专政的基础和前提;以责任制廉价政府代替官僚等级制政府是其主要形式;以议行合一原则取代分权制衡原则的权力分配形式可以保证国家机构的政治效能。中国共产党在长期执政实践中积累了丰富的执政经验,党的十九大提出中国特色社会主义已进入新时代。在此契机下重新研读马克思经典著作,对认识和把握中国共产党执政新飞跃、实现国家治理体系和治理能力现代化有着重大现实意义。     

浅谈驰名商标的特殊保护

驰名商标本身就体现着商业价值,具有的超常创汇能力。但是,驰名商标也更加容易招致假冒、不正当竞争等行为的侵害。因此,有必要建立驰名商标的特殊保护制度。本文从中国驰名商标保护的立法现状出发,探讨了驰名商标特殊保护的途径,旨在提出驰名商标特殊保护制度的设计。     

信念、权威与制度选择——基于中国人民公社制度的思考

关于制度选择的决定因素及其选择机理的分析,以往的视角主要集中在技术结构、资源禀赋和文化方面,这种解释的最大缺陷是对人的作用重视不足。该文借助于中国“人民公社制度”选择的逻辑分析,构造了一个内生信念与权威的模型,系统论述了制度选择的机理。文章的观点是,任何一项制度的选择都是为了其特定的功能,制度选择的决定因素是个人信念和权威;个人信念经过主导集团的认可、加工与宣传,最终成为社会信念,以社会信念为基础的制度选择过程是不同利益集团的博弈过程。     

巴黎和会日本“种族平等”提案与日裔美国移民问题探析

巴黎和会上,日本代表团提出将＂种族平等＂作为一重要原则写入国联盟约,试图从根本上解决长期悬而未决的日裔移民遭受排斥的问题。该提议由于触及了美国及英联邦国家的利益而被和会否决。＂种族平等＂的提出,主要是由于日方认为移民问题已严重伤害了日本的民族情感,并对其业已取得的大国地位产生了不利的影响。而日本在种族方面的努力,却在客观上加剧了美国社会对日裔群体的排斥,在一定程度上造成了二战期间日裔移民遭受集体监禁的悲剧。     

浅谈《巴黎手稿》中有关"人与自然关系"思想的生态美学意义

马克思在《1844年经济学哲学手稿》(即《巴黎手稿》)中强调建立的"人与自然关系"是一种在实践基础上的相互依存的整体关系。表现在:第一,将自然置于基础性地位——以实现"建立人与自然和谐关系"和人类生存发展相统一。第二,对象化——人与自然的对象性关系:是建立人与自然和谐关系的实践性形式和辩证法。马克思对人与自然的对象性关系的强调,突出表现在"自然的人化"和"人的自然化"这两个问题上。马克思的这种思想是一种重要的具有实践性的生态哲学和美学思想。     

A body passes by: the flâneur and the senses in nineteenth-century London and Paris

Abstract

The flâneur is well-known for being the most emblematic nineteenth-century observer of urban life. Critics have often compared the flâneur to a camera eye which records everything and insisted on the predominance of sight over other senses in the cognitive process. This article emphasises the embodiedness of the flâneur’s vision, which is an experience of all the senses. Urban public space can be envisaged as a ‘metabolic space,’ in which “the links between background and figures are very unstable” (Augoyard 1991). The moving body of the flâneur, which can adapt to this changing space, seems to be in an ideal position to apprehend the metabolic body of the city. The flâneur is not only a “transparent eye-ball” (Emerson 2003), he is “a living eye” which communicates with all the other senses and captures the whole experience of moving through the city. By looking at texts by Balzac, Baudelaire, Dickens and Charlotte Brontë, the article shows that flânerie is a sensory activity that shapes our perception of the city as much as the city shapes our own flâneries by transforming our bodies into scribes who write the “thicks and thins of the urban text” (de Certeau, 1984).     

Jewish power and powerlessness: Prague Zionists and the Paris Peace Conference

This article explores how perceptions of Jewish power shaped the negotiations between Czechoslovak leaders and Jewish minority representatives at the time of the Paris Peace Conference. In the aftermath of the First World War, Prague-based Zionists embarked on a mission to convince Czechoslovak elites that attacks on Jews were detrimental to the internal stability of the new state and to Czechoslovak interests abroad. As Edvard Bene?, the head of the Czechoslovak delegation in Paris, worked to cultivate an image of the new state as more “Western” and “civilised” than other successor states – a strategy meant to garner international support for Czechoslovak territorial demands and its projected absorption of large minority populations – Jewish activists encouraged his uncertainty with regard to Jews' influence on Western audiences and statesmen. They did so in order to convince him to accept their demands for special protection clauses for the new country's Jews. The paper thus shows that the unprecedented victimisation of Jews and the upsurge in antisemitism during and after the war coexisted with a new bold and public Jewish activism. Yet, Jewish leaders did not in the end have the ability to convince Bene? and his colleagues to give in to international Jewish demands for special protection. Instead, they sought to cultivate a strategic alliance between the state's Czech elite and the Jewish minority which centred on the claim that Czechoslovakia was a particularly welcoming and tolerant place for Jews, an image that would evolve into a significant component of the myth of Czechoslovakia as an island of democracy in Eastern Europe.