“无直接利益冲突”的网络发生机制

近年来,"无直接利益冲突"现象在我国似乎形成一种所谓"涟漪效应",其产生的深层根源在于社会分配的不公平及与之相联系的群体异质不公平感的普遍存在;其次也与利益表达机制的不畅通有关。在其产生的过程中,事件触发与演化的关联性往往是通过驱动机制、认同机制、社会比较与自我展示机制和说服争辩机制交互作用表现出来的。在信息时代,"无直接利益冲突"的这些相关发生机制往往与网络极化效应直接相关,即"无直接利益冲突"极易导致网络极化效应的产生,而网络极化效应也促使了"无直接利益冲突"的扩散。而这种双向互动的过程,正是"无直接利益冲突"网络发生机制的作用过程。由此,应给予充分重视。     

美国犹太教“极化”进程中的以色列因素

自20世纪末以来,美国犹太教正统派和非正统派之间呈现出明显的“极化”趋势,以色列是加剧这一“极化”进程的“分化剂”。以色列在全球犹太人中“精神中心”地位的凸显、全球化时代流散地犹太人群体对以色列关联的增强以及不同宗派群体在对以关联中的地位差异,导致以色列成为美国犹太教不同宗派间竞争的关键“战场”。籍由此种紧密但不平衡的关联,以色列的社会政治冲突和“极化”得以“外溢”至美国犹太人群体。美国犹太教不同宗派以“受邀”或“回旋镖”模式卷入以色列社会政治的纷争。进入21世纪以来,右倾化和“民主危机”使以色列犹太人正统派在身份认同、政党归属和政策倾向等方面与美国正统派犹太人趋近,同时却更加疏远非正统派群体。日趋右倾化的以色列加剧了美国犹太教不同宗派间的“身份冲突”。     

Setting socially mediated engagement parameters: A topic modeling and text analytic approach to examining polarized discourses on Gillette’s campaign

Opinions on social and political issues can be easily polarized in socially mediated contexts. Using an inductive topic modeling and text analytical approach, the study analyzes more than 100,000 original tweets on polarized discussions on Gillette’s controversial campaign addressing toxic masculinity. Results suggest that influencers serve as ideological hyper-prototypes that attract significant attention equally from supporters and detractors, while hashtags and users’ reference of current events span the conversations across multiple contexts. Study results also indicate that horizontal information cascades from external ideologically centered sources that serve users’ identity and ideological signaling are a potential contributor of discourse polarization. Based on the study results, an identity- and representation-based approach to understanding socially mediated discourses is proposed, and four parameters of socially mediated engagement identified to further theorize engagement for public relations research in digital contexts.     

大学生网络群体极化的成因及对策研究

网络群体极化的发生是由网络环境下群体行为的心理特征、沉默的螺旋及网络中无处不在的信息过滤与茧房共同造成的。大学生作为使用网络的主力军,在信息的选择和接收上也更容易走向极端。大学生网络群体极化的主要表现为网络环境下的从众心理、简单化思维、长时间沉湎于劣质信息的茧房。大学生网络群体极化的防治要靠培育学生的责任意识、思政工作者的正确引导及政府对网络的监管共同发挥作用。     

Linking Housing Changes to Crime

Housing figures prominently in debates about crime in Britain. It has become commonplace to comment on the increasing associations between crime and council housing. This paper explores some of the issues which link housing and crime. It argues that it is important to recognize how the social base and geography of housing have changed and to understand processes which lead to an increasing concentration in council housing of those with least choice in the housing market and fewest resources elsewhere. At the same time there is a danger in overstating the associations between crime and council housing and neglecting other associations with housing, and homelessness. In view of the associations between crime and council housing, considerable effort has been expended on developing management and other responses designed to reduce crime. The general view is that a broad approach is required in such initiatives and the limited research evidence does not suggest that housing management action alone is effective in reducing crime. The association which exists between council housing and crime requires a policy response which relates to why the most deprived sections of the community are increasingly concentrated in parts of the housing market and exposed to increased risks, and one which relates to the pattern of opportunities and choices in the housing system and not just to housing management.     

Polarization: Concepts,Measurement, Estimation

We develop the measurement theory of polarization for the case in which income distributions can be described using density functions. The main theorem uniquely characterizes a class of polarization measures that fits into what we call the “identity‐alienation” framework, and simultanously satisfies a set of axioms. Second, we provide sample estimators of population polarization indices that can be used to compare polarization across time or entities. Distribution‐free statistical inference results are also used in order to ensure that the orderings of polarization across entities are not simply due to sampling noise. An illustration of the use of these tools using data from 21 countries shows that polarization and inequality orderings can often differ in practice.     

司法中群体观念的形成机制——司法如何应对民意的前提考量

探究司法如何应对民意,就必须加强对民意形成过程的认识和理解."群体极化"理论对网络时代的民意形成机制有较强的解释力.理论上,群体极化效应主要由两个机制形成:名誉机制和信息机制.中国因其国情也给群体极化效应提供了特殊要素,尤其是互联网时代的交流模式加剧了群体观念极化的频繁发生.本文以论述"群体极化效应"为主线,加入对关于民意形成机制的其他成果的简单综述,以期能够引起法学界对民意本身的重视.     

Red states,blue states: How well do the recent national election labels capture state political and policy differences?

The alleged polarization between the so-called red (Republican) and blue (Democratic) states during the presidential elections has been examined using only voter surveys. Focusing on the recent thirteen national elections from 1964 to 2012, we examine social, political, institutional, and policy indicators of the 50 American states to (1) gauge the extent to which national election results reflect significant policy and political differences between the red and blue states and (2) to assess the explanatory power of the dichotomous red–blue label relative to a continuous variable of “redness” or “blueness” by the percentage of votes received. We find substantial political and some moderate social differences between red and blue states but fewer institutional and policy differences than one would expect if there were actually deep divisions between the states. We find that the red–blue state distinction performs well when compared to the explanatory power of the more precise redness or blueness of a state.     

大学城建设对区域政治、经济和文化的影响——以山西大学城为例

大学城建设在我国发展十多年来方兴未艾,正是源于其以自身得天独厚的优势对我国区域社会发展起着积极推动作用,以大学功能理论为引,结合山西大学城建设,分别从政治、经济、文化等方面将大学城建设对区域发展的影响作用进行了评价。     

The impact of social heterogeneity and commodity price shocks on civil conflicts

Do exogenous economic shocks promote civil conflicts directly? Do they affect all the societies alike? The current approach presents a large sample panel data evidence not only on the effect of commodity export price shocks on conflict incidence, rather than onsets, but also on the joint impact of both ethnic and religious polarization and fractionalization on political instability. In this regard, we find out that in ethnically polarized societies, the commodity export price shocks increase violence. Nonetheless, in ethnically and religiously fractionalized societies (as well as religiously polarized), the effect of commodity export price shocks on civil conflicts depends on the type of income shocks and category of commodity. These findings contribute to the existing literature by illuminating the compound effect of both income shocks and social diversity on intrastate conflicts.