Gender differences in willingness to compete: The role of public observability

A recent literature emphasizes that gender differences in the labor market may in part be driven by a gender gap in willingness to compete. However, whereas experiments in this literature typically investigate willingness to compete in private environments, real world competitions often have a more public nature, which introduces potential social image concerns. If such image concerns are important, and men and women differ in the degree to which they want to be seen as competitive, making tournament entry decisions publicly observable may further exacerbate the gender gap. We test this prediction using a laboratory experiment (N = 784) that varies the degree to which the decision to compete, and its outcome, is publicly observable. We find that public observability does not alter the magnitude of the gender gap in willingness to compete in an economically or statistically significant way.     

Young people,social media and connective action: from organisational maintenance to everyday political talk

Social media is pervasive in the lives of young people, and this paper critically analyses how politically engaged young people integrate social media use into their existing organisations and political communications. This qualitative research project studied how young people from a broad range of existing political and civic groups use social media for sharing information, mobilisation and, increasingly, as a means to redefine political action and political spaces. Twelve in-person focus groups were conducted in Australia, the USA and the UK with matched affinity groups based on university campuses. The groups were of four types: party political group, issue-based group, identity-based group and social group. Our focus group findings suggest that this in-depth approach to understanding young people's political engagement reveals important group-based differences emerging in young people's citizenship norms: between the dutiful allegiance to formal politics and a more personalised, self-actualising preference for online, discursive forms of political engagement and organising. The ways in which political information is broadcast, shared and talked about on social media by engaged young people demonstrate the importance of communicative forms of action for the future of political engagement and connective action.     

当代资本主义经济停滞问题:制度结构与治理危机——基于积累的社会结构理论的分析

关于经济停滞问题的探讨是对马克思主义经济危机理论的传承。2008年金融危机爆发十余年,资本主义经济停滞趋于常态化。积累的社会结构理论从资本积累与支撑这一积累的制度环境之间的矛盾出发,发现了主流经济学探讨资本主义经济停滞所忽略的制度性因素。积累的社会结构学派沿着"中间层次"的路径,将2008年金融危机界定为系统性的结构危机,认为新自由主义SSA的失灵是此次经济停滞持续的原因。资本主义经济停滞引发欧美发达资本主义国家的社会治理危机升级,一系列政治、社会和文化危机不断加剧。积累的社会结构理论从微观层面深刻把握了资本主义制度转型的轨迹,但并未深入探讨开展根本的制度变革。在面临百年未有之大变局的时代境遇下,中国在参与全球治理的过程中不断探索并推动世界经济政治新秩序朝着更加公正、合理的方向发展。     

Humor and satire in politics: Introducing cultural sociology to the field

The landscape of political humor and satire is changing rapidly, and it is becoming an increasingly relevant aspect of our culture. Although scholars have been actively trying to capture this change, majority of the existing frameworks for understanding humor and satire in politics still reduce these phenomena to mere genres or rhetoric tools. In addition, they provide insufficient accounts concerning the reception of humor and satire, and neglect to interpret and explain what they communicate. In the article, a general understanding of humor and satire outside of a political context, followed by an overview of studies discussing humor and satire in politics through their applications in social movements, as leadership tools, and through their manifestations in mass media has been presented. Lastly, a cultural sociological perspective to the field has been introduced. It has been argued that approaching humor and satire in politics through a structural hermeneutic method of the Strong Program will enable us to recognize and treat political humor and satire as autonomous and complex cultural systems which carry an internal power to move people.     

The impact of social power and influence on the implementation of innovation strategies: A case study of a UK mega infrastructure construction project

Influence plays a key role in reaching consensus among multiple actors involved in project-based decision-making processes. While prior literature devotes considerable attention to describing influence, little attention has been paid to influence at the individual level of the strategic project manager within the context of megaprojects. This research intended to fill this knowledge gap by identifying and describing the influence strategies that a strategic project manager applies when implementing innovation strategies on megaprojects. A qualitative case study was used to examine the complex social processes involved in a major UK capital investment programme. The findings underline a critical subset of influence strategies, notably higher-management support, inspirational appeal and bargaining. The study proposes a utilitarian structure of social power comprising selective, supportive and executory power bases.     

大数据背景下基于社交网络的聚类随机游走抽样算法研究

数字经济时代,社交网络作为数字化平台经济的重要载体,受到了国内外学者的广泛关注。大数据背景下,社交网络的商业应用价值巨大,但由于其网络规模空前庞大,传统的网络分析方法 因计算成本过高而不再适用。而通过网络抽样算法获取样本网络,再推断整体网络,可节约计算资源, 因此抽样算法的好坏将直接影响社交网络分析结论的准确性。现有社交网络抽样算法存在忽略网络内部拓扑结构、容易陷入局部网络、抽样效率过低等缺陷。为了弥补现有社交网络抽样算法的缺陷,本文结合大数据社交网络的社区特征,提出了一种聚类随机游走抽样算法。该方法首先使用社区聚类算法将原始网络节点进行社区划分,得到多个社区网络,然后分别对每个社区进行随机游走抽样获取样本网 络。数值模拟和案例应用的结果均表明,聚类随机游走抽样算法克服了传统网络抽样算法的缺点,能够在降低网络规模的同时较好地保留原始网络的结构特征。此外,该抽样算法还可以并行运算,有效提升抽样效率,对于大数据背景下大规模社交网络的抽样实践具有重大现实意义。     

国有经济在国民经济中的核心地位

国有经济在国民经济中的核心地位是毋庸置疑的 ,关键是国有经济在国民经济中所占比例应该存在一个平衡的尺度点 ,这个尺度点与外在的国际环境和内在的社会结构密切相关。文章分析了国有经济及其变形形态 ,并描述了其运行规律。文章强调 ,社会人的公私二像性特征是深刻理解国民经济体系中国有经济未来发展趋势的理论基石。     

Changing Frameworks in Attitudes Toward Abortion

For more than two decades, legal abortion has been the subject of heated political debate and adversarial social movement activity; however, national polls have shown little change in aggregate levels of support for abortion. This analysis examines how the determinants of abortion attitudes have changed between 1977 and 1996, using data from the General Social Surveys. While in early time periods, whites were more approving of abortion than blacks, that pattern had reversed by the late 1980s. After controlling for other factors, older people are more accepting of abortion throughout the two decades, while gender is generally unrelated to abortion views. Catholic religion weakens slightly as a predictor of abortion attitudes, while religious fundamentalism and political liberalism increase in explanatory power. The associations between attitudinal correlates and abortion approval also change over this time period. Religiosity becomes a less powerful predictor of abortion attitudes, while respondents' attitude toward sexual freedom and belief in the sanctity of human life increase in their predictive power. Support for gender inequality remains a weak but stable predictor of abortion attitudes. This pattern of results suggests that the public is influenced more by the pro-life framework of viewing abortion than by the pro-choice perspective.     

公民·公民教育·思想政治教育

公民概念在西方由来已久 ,它直接与国家相连并被认为是政治民主的一个关键因素。西方公民教育的核心 ,就是通过政治社会化形成公民意识。我国传统上只有臣民而无公民和公民教育 ,民国建立后所实施的公民教育也不成体系。真正将公民教育单独提出并加以强调 ,是在我国社会的转型时期。在社会主义市场经济条件下 ,立足于公民的塑造 ,培养公民的意识、观念与精神 ,是思想政治教育与时俱进、顺应时代发展的客观要求     

论美国宪法政治形成发展的基础

美国宪法政治形成和发展的原因 ,在于有英国立宪政治的深厚文化与思想做基础 ,在于社会各群体有在法治状态下生活的习惯和传统。济济的法律人才在国家政治制度的设计上起了主导作用 ;社会经济制度为美国的宪法政治确立与发展奠定了坚固的基础 ;国家不豢养和保存大规模的常备军 ,人民的代议机关能牢牢控制国家武装力量 ,尤其能控制国家武装力量的经济命脉。另外 ,北美独立运动不是一场专制王权与民主力量之间的冲突与斗争 ,而是一场殖民地力量壮大以后争取分离的运动