Transformer in navigation: Diverse government roles for open innovation in China's high-speed rail

Based on a longitudinal case study of China's high-speed rail embedded in the emerging economy context, we focus on what role the government plays and how that matters to open innovation (OI) for competitive advantage. By linking the OI literature with the national political institutions literature to motivate our research question, we propose a statist-based OI view to differentiate diverse government roles, investigating how government adopts roles in a combined way to push OI in stages. Our findings suggest that government is an important strategic decision-maker for OI. Specifically, the government plays various roles as commander, protector, cultivator, and intermediator, reflecting state activism derived from national political institutions, to construct institutional-level OI for domestic OI activities, and inbound and outbound OI across national borders. We find government can deliberately and strategically use its diverse roles in a combined way to push OI for competitive advantage through the industrial evolutionary process over time. Our study contributes to the OI literature and integrates the strategic management literature with the study of OI to provide new insights to explain the origins of competitive advantage from the state perspective.     

人才振兴背景下大学生志愿服务乡村缘由和影响因素分析

志愿服务乡村是社会参与人才振兴战略的重要方式,大学生在其中承担着重要角色。“乡愁文化”和“社会理性”是大学生志愿服务乡村缘由所在;性别、年级、学校类型、了解程度和志愿组织对大学生志愿服务乡村有显著影响。大学生志愿服务的着力点在于智力支持且具有文教活动倾向性,但也存在意愿与行动脱节、认知流于表面、能动性不强、缺乏思想引领以及对小微志愿组织的支持缺位等问题。乡愁文化嵌入大学文化、引入激励机制、打造志愿组织“大家庭”、牢守宣传育人“主阵地”、强化智力支持优势、补齐理论技能短板、关爱“小微组织”成长、构建“三位一体”支撑体系等可有效优化大学生志愿服务乡村。     

1930年代沪上文坛独特的“新感觉”--南洋华侨作家黑婴的“乡愁”书写

史称“新感觉派”后起之秀的黑婴是唯一一位跻身于1930年代中国主流文坛的南洋华侨作家。这位生于荷印棉兰，长于广东梅县，深造于“魔都”上海的新一代南洋华侨，在“民国时态”浓郁的南洋氛围中登陆沪上文坛。在此跨文化的激烈碰撞与深度融合中，黑婴经由“乡愁”的激发与引领，讲述了新一代南洋华侨青年的苦难、迷惘以及艰难的蜕变。今天看来，这种包含着独特生命体验和丰富历史痛感的文化乡愁，正是南侨作家黑婴在“华文文学”和“海派文学”的脉络之外，贡献给中国现代文学真正而独特的“新感觉”。     

农村互助型社会养老:中国特色与发展路径

农村互助型社会养老是具有中国特色的社会养老的发展形式，是对农村传统家庭养老的重要补充。它扎根于农村传统的亲邻互助网络，其本质在于经济互助，表现为有组织地发动邻里、志愿等社会力量，充分利用以老年人为主的各类人力资源的闲置时间、资源低成本地相互帮助和服务。社会各界应将其作为重要实施方略，纳入积极应对人口老龄化战略和乡村振兴战略之中。其发展路径可以概括为：以资金互助为基础，以组织动员为抓手，以服务互助为重点，以社区居家养老为主要阵地，创新各类互助养老模式，着力形成稳定多元的资金来源，培育互助队伍，增加互助内容，从无偿到无偿、低偿相结合，探索建立标准规范的服务管理评估制度，机构养老与社区居家养老互联互通，最终尝试建立圈层化、整合化、网络化、制度化的农村互助型社会养老体系。     

Does a universal non-contributory social pension make sense for rural China?

China’s pension reform during the past three decades has allowed a majority of China’s population to be covered by a pension scheme. Of particular note has been the New Rural Pension Scheme (NRPS), a voluntary programme introduced starting in 2009. One goal of our analysis is to assess that pension scheme, using a variety of sources of information including data drawn from recent (2013 and 2015) nationwide China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Surveys (CHARLS). Our analysis involves an exploration of differences between the generosity and structure of the NRPS and other pension schemes currently in place. We also explore the feasibility of reforming the current “quasi-social pension” component of the NRPS by substituting a universal non-contributory social pension pillar. In connection with our assessment of the NRPS, we note the unusually low benefit levels for rural China.     

Heteroscedastic Global Tests that the Regression Parameters for Two or More Independent Groups are Identical

Simulation results are reported on methods that allow both within group and between group heteroscedasticity when testing the hypothesis that independent groups have identical regression parameters. The methods are based on a combination of extant techniques, but their finite-sample properties have not been studied. Included are results on the impact of removing all leverage points or just bad leverage points. The method used to identify leverage points can be important and can improve control over the Type I error probability. Results are illustrated using data from the Well Elderly II study.     

君主专制与政治抵制:早期现代英国法律语境中的《复仇者悲剧》

英国自都铎王朝后期至斯图亚特早期，立宪君主论或混合君主论者抵制君权神授论，坚持家庭是一个自治的、涉及臣民私人权益的小政府，受到自然法、古代宪法或神圣法的保护。《复仇者悲剧》中公爵王室言行映射詹姆士一世在《皇家礼物》中所宣扬的君权神授论，温迪斯兄弟俩及追随者的复仇隐含当时的政治抵制学说，公爵王室与温迪斯兄弟俩的对立象征君权神授论与普通法理论的对峙。温迪斯兄弟俩却以威胁新君为由被处死，司法斗争简约为复仇冲动，维权英雄陡变为暴徒，暴君化身为明君，这暴露出君权神授论的悖论性和剧作家含混的复仇伦理。     

论“莱西会议精神”对新时期全面深化农村基层党组织建设的价值和意义

农村基层党组织是党在农村的神经末梢,也是党的路线、方针、政策的"终端"推动者和实践者。现阶段农村党组织建设面临新兴组织不断涌现与党组织作用削弱的不适应,"权力和资源缺失"与服务刚性增强的不适应,村民自治进一步发展与群众政治参与欠充分的不适应,群众诉求多样化与满足渠道单一的不适应,部分党员党性不强、意识淡化与始终保持先进性的要求不适应等问题。在加强以党支部为核心的农村基层组织建设的"莱西会议精神"指导下,全面深化农村基层党组织建设:思想上高度认识是前提,加强支部建设是核心,坚持法治、完善村民自治是重点,紧扣服务、创新制度是关键,统筹协调、综合配套是保障。     

中国农村研究的主体回归与方法论创新

21世纪以来,中国农村治理研究陷入了本土化与主体性双重困境,中国农村社会基础的深度转型,农村研究方法的缺陷以及大规模村庄研究的局限,要求中国农村研究回归深度的村庄研究,尊重农民主体性。在回归村庄研究的方法论上,文章认为要突破国家政权建设理论等研究视角的局限,把市场化这一变量纳入分析视野中。村庄主位、农民主体、市场化过程同国家宏观治理体系的互动逻辑,应该构成后中国农村治理研究时代的主要内容。     

Beyond Piketty: A new perspective on poverty and inequality in India

The socio-economic literature has focused much on how overall inequality in income distribution (frequently measured by the Gini coefficient) undermines the “trickle down” effect. In other words, the higher the inequality in the income distribution, the lower is the growth elasticity of poverty. However, with the publication of Piketty’s magnum opus (2014), and a subsequent study by Chancel and Piketty (2017) of evolution of income inequality in India since 1922, the focus has shifted to the income disparity between the richest 1% (or 0.01%) and the bottom 50%. Their central argument is that the rapid growth of income at the top end of millionaires and billionaires is a by-product of growth. The present study extends this argument by linking it to poverty indices in India. Based on the India Human Development Survey 2005–12 – a nationwide panel survey-we examine the links between poverty and income inequality, especially in the upper tail relative to the bottom 50%, state affluence (measured in per capita income) and their interaction or their joint effect. Another feature of our research is that we analyse their effects on the FGT class of poverty indices. The results are similar in as much as direction of association is concerned but the elasticities vary with the poverty index. The growth elasticities are negative and significant for all poverty indices. In all three cases, the disparity between the income share of the top 1% and share of the bottom 50% is associated with greater poverty. These elasticities are much higher than the (absolute) income elasticities except in the case of the poverty gap. The largest increase occurs in the poverty gap squared – a 1% greater income disparity is associated with a 1.24% higher value of this index. Thus the consequences of even a small increase in the income disparity are alarming for the poorest.