先秦的“法治”思想和实践考量

先秦法家在与儒家“礼治”的争论中提出“法治”思想,并与战国时期富国强兵的国家策略结合,变法图存的“法治”实践此起彼伏。其中最为成功的是秦国的商鞅变法,秦国由此迅速崛起并最终吞并六国,建立起统一的封建国家。秦帝国的建立是“法治”思想和实践的里程碑,大秦将集权专制和“法治”相互糅合,将法家重刑思想发展到极端,走向了崇尚暴力和滥刑滥杀的野蛮恐怖境地,导致天下怨叛,秦王朝二世而亡,君权至上最终将法治引向了集权专制的死胡同。     

论清末民初国家机构的演变

清末民初，中国历史处于剧烈转型阶段，国家政权机构更迭频繁，历史地考察国家机构和政治体制演变的过程，比较体制变动前后的绩效，分析政治体制变化对国家现代化的影响，通过权威政治在三个不同时期的体现，分析权威主义在国家构筑中的重要作用，得出历史性的结论——制度的变迁要与国情相适应。     

‘All in the extended family’: the Pandora's box of conservatism and fascism reopened

The article attempts to reanalyze the relationships between conservatism and fascism in a historical and comparative perspective. This analysis is premised on the view that to fully understand and explain conservatism requires reexamining its comparative-historical relations to fascism, and, alternatively, understanding and explaining the second presupposes taking account of the first. The thrust of the issue is whether and to what extent conservatism constitutes or develops into fascism, and, conversely, whether the latter represents or results from the former. The central argument and finding is that under certain social conditions and historical constellations conservatism eventually evolves into or functions as fascism. Alternatively, fascism universally represents and reproduces conservatism.     

THE GLOBAL VORTEX: SOCIAL WELFARE IN A NETWORKED WORLD

This paper examines the impact of economic globalization on the organization and delivery of social welfare services. Sennett's analysis of the modern networked organization is linked to psychodynamic theory in relation to the loss of ‘containment’ resulting from the demise of the post‐war welfare bureaucracies. This changing environment has generated an anxiety‐ridden and risk‐obsessed society that features surveillance, control and the gradual diminution of civil liberties. The impact of these changes on the ethics of professional social welfare practice has been profound. It is argued that public moral debate in the context of pluralist ethics is required not only for upholding a relational based social welfare practice, but also for preserving an open and compassionate democratic society. The paper concludes with a set of questions that provides a framework whereby practitioners can assess the extent to which different practice organizations support relational practice. This typology can be a tool to enable practitioners to exercise moral agency when making career choices in today's fluid organizational world.     

继续革命时代中国农民政治心理探析

个体的政治心理是自身所处政治环境的产物。在继续革命年代,轰轰烈烈的乡村政治运动塑造了这个时代的农民政治心理特性。在此期间,中国农民的政治心理从总体上突出地表现为权威主义政治人格的“转化”、平均主义政治价值的“强化”及革命主义政治态度的“异化”这三大特征。     

欧洲思想家对中国法律文化的认识

欧洲思想家主要对中国的专制主义制度及其刑罚、法律与道德的结合、中国衰落的原因进行了分析。尽管认识对象相同 ,但其所持观点和得出的结论又使他们分成两派。批判派认为中国政府的形式必然是专制主义 ,把法律与道德混在一起是极大的错误 ;辩护派则坚持与任何其他政府相比中国更接近于理想模式 ,中国人正是依靠道德政治获得了成功。需要注意的是 ,他们不约而同地提出个性自由的缺失导致东方大帝国悲壮落伍     

东亚发展型体制：逻辑、结构及其限度

发展型体制是以东亚为代表的发展型国家为促进经济增长而形成的一种独特的政治经济结构。从本质上来看,发展型体制是基于政治合法化的逻辑而产生和形成的。在政治合法化逻辑下,发展型体制通过发展经济来提高其有效性,以其有效性来维系和巩固合法性。因此,发展型体制形成了一种有助于经济增长的强国家～弱社会的官僚式威权主义结构,历史经验表明,这种结构对发展型国家取得成功有着不可或缺的作用。但随着发展型国家国内政治经济情况的变化和外部全球化压力,东亚发展型体制面临着民主化和全球化所带来的双重挑战。在此背景下,发展型体制进行转型则是必由之路。     

Framing authoritarian legitimacy: elite cohesion in the aftermath of popular rebellion

ABSTRACT

Protest activity presents a significant threat to state legitimacy in nondemocratic settings. Although authoritarian regimes rely heavily on coercion, state officials must also justify their authority to both the public and other elites. Previous work has shown how elites vilify challengers to legitimize repression, but scholars have yet to examine how state officials engage in meaning work to prevent elite divisions from forming in light of popular challenges to regime legitimacy. In this study, we examine elite framing processes in a case of popular resistance to a 1953 currency reform in Communist Czechoslovakia. Using archival material, we trace the inter- and intra-organizational processes through which officials construct legitimacy claims by explaining and adjudicating blame for the popular rebellion. Results indicate that authoritarian rulers relied on a variety of discursive mechanisms to generate consensus among subordinate elites and protect regime legitimacy. We conclude by discussing implications for research on authoritarianism and social movements.     

论特殊防卫的性质

当前,社会各界对正当防卫和防卫限度问题正在开展新一轮反思。针对刑法第20条第3款规定的防卫行为,学界的称谓千差万别,主要有无限防卫(权)、特殊防卫(权)、无过当之防卫、预防性正当防卫等。从语言逻辑关系和刑法条文规范表达的角度看,"特殊防卫"的称谓更符合第3款关于防卫限度的特殊规定。第3款内容在实质侧面受正当防卫认识、防卫限度要件的约制,在形式侧面符合规范用语的体系表达,不是第1、2款内容的拟制性规定,而是提示性规定。防卫的权利性质受权威主义和自由主义的国家范式的影响。在我国弱的权威主义和法律家长主义的影响下,特殊防卫带有明显的义务性质,是权利与义务的统一。     

Social media and elections in Singapore: comparing 2011 and 2015

This article applies a theoretical approach that focuses on the interaction between media, politicians, activists, and citizens to investigate the influence of social media during two recent general elections in Singapore. Taking into account the combination of authoritarian governance and popular elections in this city-state, this article utilizes a mixed methods approach (i.e., a combination of statistics and virtual ethnography) to analyze four aspects of this influence. First, social media are used by the opposition parties because they are the only alternative to use in disseminating information and fostering dialogue. However, the ruling authorities use the same social media to counter the opposition. Second, social media empower the opposition by serving as efficient tools to mobilize, organize, and engage active citizens. However, compared to the traditional grassroots approach, online mobilization is not as effective as expected. Third, social media are able to change the perceptions of ordinary citizens regarding the opinion climate, which could be to either the advantage or the disadvantage of the opposition. Finally, the youngest age group (i.e., 21–30 years) was surveyed in both 2011 and 2015 to investigate their responses to these changes. Because of the complex influence of social media in Singapore, the citizens in this age group are particularly prone to being swing voters.