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Police face a unique dilemma when policing protests that explicitly target them, such as the anti-police brutality protests that have swept the United States recently. Because extant research finds that police response to protests is largely a function of the threat – and especially the threat to police – posed by a protest, police may repress these protests more than other protests, as they may constitute a challenge to their legitimacy as a profession. Other research suggests police agencies are strongly motivated by reputational concerns, suggesting they may treat these protests with special caution to avoid further public scrutiny. Using data on over 7,000 protests events in New York over a 35-year period from 1960 to 1995, I test these competing hypotheses and find that police respond to protests making anti-police brutality claims much more aggressively than other protests, after controlling for indicators of threat and weakness used in previous studies. Police are about twice as likely to show up to anti-police brutality protests compared with otherwise similar protests making other claims and, once there, they intervene (either make arrests, use force or violence against protesters, or both) at nearly half of these protests, compared to about one in three protests making other claims.  相似文献   
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An established body of literature shows that people engage in protest events for a number of reasons, including grievances, collective identity, increased efficacy, and emotions. However, it is unclear what happens to individuals’ motivation toward protest participation as they experience the reality of repressive policing. This study contributes to the theoretical body of knowledge of protest policing and social movements by investigating the microlevel processes that affect protest participation. Specifically, we build from the insights of previous research by examining how 102 Ferguson and Baltimore protesters with varying levels of commitment—revolutionary, intermittent, tourist—experienced repressive policing and how such tactics affected their subsequent decision to engage in future activism. Our findings suggest that those with the strongest commitment toward protest goals experienced the most repressive tactics, and yet did not seem to be deterred in their motivation to be engaged in future protests. In contrast, while repressive tactics appeared to deter the less committed individuals from street protests, they remained motivated to engage in other forms of civic engagement.  相似文献   
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对人类兽性行为的书写是莫言作品的重要特征。从《红高粱》中活剥人皮的灵巧技艺,到《二姑随后就到》中四十八种刑罚的名目繁多,再到《檀香刑》中"阎王闩"、"檀香刑"的复杂、精巧,莫言把人类兽行演绎到了登峰造极的地步,他要展现的是关于生命的悲剧,让人们从灵魂深处发出对兽行的恐惧、拒斥的同时,向兽行的发出点逼近、追问。人类来自动物性遗留的兽性因子使本身带有一定的嗜血性,但这并不足以使之发出如此凶残行为。从人类兽行心理的深层文化成因分析表明:纪律、荣誉、权力等因素是使嗜血性发生异化的根源所在。由此可见,莫言作品中人类兽性行为的文化指向在于人类文明中的不合理元素。  相似文献   
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金基德是一个备受争议的韩国导演,惯用性、暴力、死亡等残酷主题拷问人性的善与恶,被许多人称为“暴力大师”、“情色大师”。近年来,他的电影在主题和风格上呈现出某种转型,温情元素日益明显,日渐被韩国主流社会和观众认可。因此,对金基德电影风格进行系统梳理,同时对其风格转变的原因进行探讨就非常有意义。  相似文献   
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The Eric Garner case was unique because this police-induced death was caught on video from before the moment of physical confrontation. A mixed-methods representative household survey and Garner's arrest video were used to determine NYS voters’ opinions (n = 119) about police indictment and Governor Cuomo's request for expanded authority. Respondents were asked whether the officers should face indictment, shown the arrest video, and then asked again about indictment. Prior to the video, a majority of respondents (n = 86; 57.4%) believed involved officers should have been indicted. After viewing, the proportion increased by 13.7%. A majority supported Cuomo's call for expanded authority to appoint a special prosecutor in cases where police are involved in civilian deaths. Study limitations include prior exposure to the footage and a low response rate. NYS voters generally supported Cuomo's proposal for appointing a special prosecutor; however, a quarter of respondents disagreed with the method of reform and expressed a: 1) preference for every case to go to trial; 2) preference for a case-by-case basis; or 3) distrust in state-appointed special prosecutors. This research could inform discussions regarding proposed system reforms. Future research with a less well-circulated video is needed to determine the extent to which videos of police-induced deaths affect public opinion.  相似文献   
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艾米莉.勃朗特在《呼啸山庄》里建构起分别象征着野性生存状态的呼啸山庄与文明生存形态的画眉山庄,而生长于其中的人也因此形成了鲜明的个性精神特征。这两种相对的生存形态相互撞击之后就形成了持久而激烈的既相互吸引又相互抗争的格局。该文从生长于其中的两代人在文明与野性的取舍的成败得失——凯瑟琳.恩萧的悲剧性选择、希刺克厉夫野性复仇的失落以及哈里顿与小凯蒂的完美结合——的分析出发,认为《呼啸山庄》蕴涵了这样一种理念:在人类从野性走向文明的历程中,个体须保有这样的一种前行姿态,即保留野性生存状态中的自由奔放的生命意识和不屈不挠的生存意志,经过从善从美的文明行为方式的引导来实现个体的自我完善和积极扬弃,人类才能获得灵魂的真正自由和心灵的持久安宁。  相似文献   
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