‘Street-level bureaucracy,management and the corrupted world of service’

Lipsky's analysis of the implementation gap in welfare policy in ‘Street-level Bureaucracy’ focuses on the problem of front-line discretion but ‘brackets off’ the discretion of senior managers. In this paper I draw on a qualitative study to argue that senior managers can also exercise significant discretion and that their discretion can contribute to the conditions of policy confusion and contradiction, and resource inadequacy that characterise ‘the corrupted world of service’ of front-line discretion. In this context front-line discretion may be used by front-line staff to bridge the policy implementation gap created by senior managers.     

企业组织内的科层制与关系网络

在马克斯.韦伯"理想类型"的基础上,分析科层制的特征及其反功能,探讨现代企业组织内部科层制关系与关系网络之间的关系以及二者的相互关系对企业效率的重要性。     

论官僚政治与商业资本的互动逻辑——双重纬度:下限和上限、矛盾与异化

唯物史观视角下,官僚政治不单纯是一个政治范畴,而是以专制政治权力为核心建构的政治形态层面、制度层面、过程层面、文化层面、技术层面的有机统一体。“下限和上限”、“矛盾与异化”构成政治哲学的双重纬度并有效解析商业资本与官僚政治两者间的互动逻辑和矛盾运动。     

网络治理：网络社会视阈下治理范式跃迁的新愿景

上世纪80年代以来,随着交通、通信与信息技术的发展,人类社会进入一个全球化大变革（global transformation）的时代。全球化时代的一种鲜明的历史趋势就是新的信息技术正以全球的工具性网络整合着世界资源。以这种网络化的新信息技术范式为基础,一种新的社会形态——网络社会（network society）正在形成。与此相呼应,人类社会的治理模式也在进行着重铸,治理由单个主体转变为网络整体,一种超越传统的科层治理与市场治理的新范式——网络治理（networkgovernance）正在全球范围内舒枝展叶。     

韦伯理性官僚制范畴的再认识

以官僚制原理为基础的传统公共行政模式被认为正被一种以管理为取向的新典范所取代 ,韦伯关于官僚制的经典分析也日益受到批评和怀疑。批评者从官僚制组织低效率和功能失调的现实出发 ,指责韦伯官僚制理论违反经验事实。文章认为 ,批评者以“效率”替代了韦伯理性官僚制理论中“理性”这一中心概念 ,需要新审视这些批评及其结论。韦伯理性官僚制概念的意义不在于提供对现象的细节描述 ,而在于其作为分析工具的价值。     

Beyond bureaucracy and entrepreneurialism: Examining the multiple discursive codes informing the work,careers and subjectivities of management graduates

This paper examines how discursive codes and demands associated with ‘bureaucratic and entrepreneurial regimes’ of work and career organization shape the work, careers and subjectivities of management graduates. The study is based on an analysis of 30 narratives of management professionals who graduated from an Austrian business school in the early 1970s or 2000s. Its insights suggest that variegated discursive codes manifest in the graduates’ articulated professional practices and subjectivities, thereby challenging established assumptions regarding the organization of work and careers. While the practices and subjectivities of the 1970s graduates are often informed by codes and demands ascribed to ‘entrepreneurialism’, those of the 2000s graduates are infused with several codes commonly portrayed as ‘bureaucratic’.     

传统官僚制现代流弊与行政管理体制改革的路向选择

中国传统官僚制,是家国同构、高度集权的家产官僚制。它不具备现代官僚制的科学精神、理性精神和法制精神,其浓重的人治传统对当代中国人的观念影响十分深刻。由于中国的市场经济基础、法治环境、非政府组织和公民社会的发展现状与现代官僚制的产生条件有一定距离,因此,当务之急不是模仿新公共管理模式,而是立足中国实际情况,坚决摈弃传统官僚制,学习和借鉴现代官僚制的合理成分。     

Ethics Creep: Governing Social Science Research in the Name of Ethics

This article presents an analysis of the Canadian ethics review process by a member of a Research Ethics Board. The author suggests that the new formal system for regulating the ethical conduct of scholarly research is experiencing a form of ethics creep. This is characterized by a dual process whereby the regulatory system is expanding outward to incorporate a host of new activities and institutions, while at the same time intensifying the regulation of activities deemed to fall within its ambit. These tendencies are demonstrated through an analysis of: 1) the scope of research ethics protocols, 2) the concept of harm employed by these boards, 3) the use of informed consent provisions, and 4) the presumption that research participants will remain anonymous. To accentuate the nature of this ethics creep, comparisons are made between the ways in which identical knowledge generation activities are governed within journalism and the academy. The conclusion suggests that one effect of the increasingly formalized research ethics structure is to rupture the relationship between following the rules and acting ethically. Some of the reasons for this creep are highlighted along with the risks that it poses for scholarship.     

对毛泽东“大民主”思想的再认识

“大民主”思想是毛泽东在晚年提出并付诸实践的民主理论。毛泽东提出“大民主”思想的最初目的是反对官僚主义，后来则用于进行政治斗争。“大民主”思想存在严重误区，它违背了民主的本义，忽视了民主的阶级性，违反了民主的程序性，缺乏法律上的精确性。但是，“大民主”作为一种民主政治模式，蕴含着一些合理成分，被视为社会主义民主政治的一种理想形态。而且，毛泽东在进行“大民主”实践时，其理论思维的主观动机和价值取向是值得肯定的。     

清初“纪录”小考

本文对清初的“纪录”进行了考察。“纪录”在明代业已存在,可是清代“纪录”与明代“纪录”的运用方式不同。清入关后,如果官员拥有“纪录”,遇到行政性处罚时,可以以“纪录”抵消处罚。这样的功绩与处罚的抵销开始于入关前。在入关前的汉文史料上,与“纪录”相关的记载很常见。尤其是皇太极时期有关论功行赏的史料中,“纪录”的记载经常出现。因此,清入关后“纪录”的来源很有可能源于入关前（尤其是天聪年间）的论功行赏制度。在汉文史料上,入关前后“纪录”写的都是“纪录”,但是在满文史料上,入关前后“纪录”的写法不一样。入关前的“纪录”是“ni gidaha”,入关后的“纪录”是“jergi ejehe”。本文利用顺治初纂《太宗实录》、满文档案等各种史料进行考证,将满文“纪录”的表现变化时期限定于顺治年间。另外,还以满文的语言表现为线索,对入关前“纪录”的性质及其变迁进行考察。