论“莱西会议精神”对新时期全面深化农村基层党组织建设的价值和意义

农村基层党组织是党在农村的神经末梢,也是党的路线、方针、政策的"终端"推动者和实践者。现阶段农村党组织建设面临新兴组织不断涌现与党组织作用削弱的不适应,"权力和资源缺失"与服务刚性增强的不适应,村民自治进一步发展与群众政治参与欠充分的不适应,群众诉求多样化与满足渠道单一的不适应,部分党员党性不强、意识淡化与始终保持先进性的要求不适应等问题。在加强以党支部为核心的农村基层组织建设的"莱西会议精神"指导下,全面深化农村基层党组织建设:思想上高度认识是前提,加强支部建设是核心,坚持法治、完善村民自治是重点,紧扣服务、创新制度是关键,统筹协调、综合配套是保障。     

Homosexual Discretion and Good Taste: Two Rules That Govern Homosexual Sociability Space in Santiago de Chile

Homosexual sociability space in Santiago is not socially homogenous. Beyond non-heterosexual identities segmentation (gay, lesbian, queer, BDSM, etc.), the present article proposes a reflection observing certain social distinctions or differences that come into play to create a hierarchy among gay and lesbian individuals within that space. Using a qualitative approximation, we analyze the discourse of homosexual men and women about ways to display homosexuality in different places in the city, as well as some sociability practices used in homosexual venues. The resulting social hierarchy is understood through two central subjective rules: discretion and good taste, dynamic mechanisms that perpetuate the distance among groups within the same sociability space, and to some extent reproduce the city’s class structure. Given that material means to privatize and sophisticate homosexual expression are unequally distributed in Santiago, the resulting differentiated social networks end up configuring the visibility strategies of homosexual identity played out in the city in the last years.     

Beyond Piketty: A new perspective on poverty and inequality in India

The socio-economic literature has focused much on how overall inequality in income distribution (frequently measured by the Gini coefficient) undermines the “trickle down” effect. In other words, the higher the inequality in the income distribution, the lower is the growth elasticity of poverty. However, with the publication of Piketty’s magnum opus (2014), and a subsequent study by Chancel and Piketty (2017) of evolution of income inequality in India since 1922, the focus has shifted to the income disparity between the richest 1% (or 0.01%) and the bottom 50%. Their central argument is that the rapid growth of income at the top end of millionaires and billionaires is a by-product of growth. The present study extends this argument by linking it to poverty indices in India. Based on the India Human Development Survey 2005–12 – a nationwide panel survey-we examine the links between poverty and income inequality, especially in the upper tail relative to the bottom 50%, state affluence (measured in per capita income) and their interaction or their joint effect. Another feature of our research is that we analyse their effects on the FGT class of poverty indices. The results are similar in as much as direction of association is concerned but the elasticities vary with the poverty index. The growth elasticities are negative and significant for all poverty indices. In all three cases, the disparity between the income share of the top 1% and share of the bottom 50% is associated with greater poverty. These elasticities are much higher than the (absolute) income elasticities except in the case of the poverty gap. The largest increase occurs in the poverty gap squared – a 1% greater income disparity is associated with a 1.24% higher value of this index. Thus the consequences of even a small increase in the income disparity are alarming for the poorest.     

中国早期共产主义者对党建思想的探索

早期共产主义者学习和利用马列主义政党学说的基本原理来解决在中国建立政党的过程中遇到的具体问题,提出为什么要建立政党、如何建立和建设政党等党建根本问题。     

民族文化、阶级和性别的阅读--中国大陆彝族女商业性性服务者个案研究

文章通过对一位彝族妇女的个案分析,揭示了文化、阶级、性别是如何纠合在一起,作为一种强大的推拉力,迫使一些妇女进入和滞留于商业性性交易中的。     

社会转型与党建模式之纵向考察

建设一个什么样的党和怎样建设党的问题 ,是一个历史性的老课题。纵观历史 ,世界上近代政党的出现是由古代社会向近代社会转型所决定的 ;近代社会的发展及各国国情的差别 ,决定了不同时代世界各国工人阶级政党类型的不同。中国共产党也有自己的建党模式 ,这种模式必须随中国社会的转型而修正。今天的中国已开始步入工业———信息社会 ,所以今天中国共产党又必须严肃思考和切实解决党建模式的问题。     

高校领导干部作风论

高校领导干部必须具备优良作风立党为公,培养优良的政治品德;与时俱进,坚持学以致用的优良学风;戒虚治浮,树立务实的工作作风;廉洁勤政,保持艰苦奋斗的政治本色.     

公民·公民教育·思想政治教育

公民概念在西方由来已久 ,它直接与国家相连并被认为是政治民主的一个关键因素。西方公民教育的核心 ,就是通过政治社会化形成公民意识。我国传统上只有臣民而无公民和公民教育 ,民国建立后所实施的公民教育也不成体系。真正将公民教育单独提出并加以强调 ,是在我国社会的转型时期。在社会主义市场经济条件下 ,立足于公民的塑造 ,培养公民的意识、观念与精神 ,是思想政治教育与时俱进、顺应时代发展的客观要求     

20世纪上半叶制约中国社会发展的决定性因素

20世纪上半叶在以战争与革命为主题的时代背景下 ,外国帝国主义的侵略和俄国十月革命对中国社会发展产生了重大影响。半殖民地半封建的社会形态、错综复杂的阶级结构和阶级关系、2 0世纪中国的两大历史主题等也是制约中国社会发展的重要因素。正是由于对这四个因素的正确认识和准确把握 ,中华民族实现了 2 0世纪上半叶中国社会的巨大变革