大数据时代国防动员潜力调查之路

如何应用大数据提升国防动员潜力调查的效率是当前政府重点关注的话题。从国防动员潜力大数据的定义和特征着手,分析大数据下国防动员潜力调查所具备的优势,发现仍然存在思维局限、指标不统一、体制不健全、技术缺乏及数据共享与防护难协同等困境。通过思维意识、管理体制、指标体系、核心技术、专业人才、安全共享等六大模块,打破“数据不可用、数据不会用”的现实瓶颈,实现整合国防动员数据资源、延展数据内容和提高工作效率的目标。     

Wikipedia in the anti-SOPA protests as a case study of direct,deliberative democracy in cyberspace

This paper contributes to the discussion on deliberative, direct democracy and volunteer mobilization in the Internet era by analyzing the vote participation levels of Wikipedia volunteer editors (Wikipedians). On 18th January 2012 in the ‘first Internet strike’ against the American ‘Stop Online Piracy Act' legislation, over two thousand Wikipedians took part in the vote concerning whether their site should undertake a protest action, with vast majority expressing support for this action. However, the vote participants formed only a tiny fraction of the total number of Wikipedians who number in millions. Although Wikipedia can be seen as an open, democratic forum practicing deliberative, direct democracy, the process of voting on Wikipedia is significantly influenced by participation inequality, with a majority of the vote participation coming from a small group of most active contributors – an effective oligarchy. This paper discusses the intricate dynamics between Wikipedia egalitarian ethos and the creed to discuss project matters deliberately on one hand and the conspicuous lack of promotion and advertisement stemming from a rule against ‘canvassing’ and an overall skepticism regarding the status of majority votes. While voters' passivity and lack of interest play a major role, as expected, another factor emerges as a significant factor responsible for the low levels of participation: an inefficient information distribution system, as the vast majority of Wikipedians were not aware of the ongoing discussions and the vote itself until after their conclusion.     

Socially organized sentiments: Exploring the link between religious density and protest mobilization, 1960–1995

Extensive research has shown individual religiosity to have an impact upon U.S. protest participation. But very little work has examined the role of religious density in a community on the likelihood of protest mobilization. Our research links the religious density across 62 counties in New York State to various protest mobilization issues during the period of 1960–1995. In this research, we develop a theory of socially organized sentiments to examine religious influences on overall protest event mobilizations in local communities, a specific example of a more general theory that can link community structure to multiple forms of civic engagement. The impact of various religious traditions is assessed by using measures for the density of religious population per congregation of three religious traditions—Mainline Protestantism, Evangelical Protestantism and Catholicism. The analysis also assesses the likelihood of mobilization concerning four specific issues—African-American civil rights, gender, anti-nuclear/peace, and anti-poverty movements.     

Amassing rural power in the fight against fracking in Maryland: A report from the field

ABSTRACT

Social workers can mobilize vulnerable populations to shape policy decisions about industrial practices that could have adverse impacts on their wellbeing. One such practice is hydraulic fracturing or “fracking” to extract oil and natural gas from shale rock deposits. There is scant social work literature on mobilizing opposition to fracking despite a proliferation of literature from other disciplines. This article documents the campaign in Maryland that led to the adoption of the first legislative ban on fracking in a U.S. state with shale gas reserves, using social movement theory to identify factors that led to this successful outcome.     

Books Received

No abstract available for this article.     

国民经济动员链潜力释放机理研究

国民经济动员链是动员任务的载体,也是国民经济动员潜力释放的渠道与途径。国民经济动员链系统的运作机理表现为资源流动性、各参与部门间的相互链接关系,所以国民经济动员潜力建设应注重于资源间的依赖性与配套性,着重解决短板问题。同时应强化各参与者之间的合作机制建设、适应性和应变能力建设,着力提高国民经济动员链的系统效能。     

新型农业经营主体嵌入式培育及其带动作用——以石城为例

发挥新型农业经营主体对小农户的带动作用,是促进小农户与现代农业发展有机衔接的关键。江西石城县着眼于“培养农村致富带头人,打造一支不走的扶贫工作队”,立足县域脱贫与发展需要实施了“千人铸造计划”,该计划发挥县级行政动员优势并扎根乡土社会,从培育方案、产业选择、社会基础、组织设置与政策支持等多方面着手,推动了新型农业经营主体的嵌入式培育及其内生带动作用激发,形成了新型农业经营主体带动小农户发展的实践范例。石城经验体现了我国县域政府独特的行政动员机制及其嵌入乡土社会的本土创新,具有重要的推广价值,可为乡村振兴战略下培育扎根乡土致富带头人及实现小农户与现代农业发展有机衔接提供有益启示。     

The Limits of Black Politics in the Post–Civil Rights Era

Pluralist theorists have long contended that to exercise power and influence in the American political system, blacks should come together like any other organized interest group, form coalitions with other like-minded people (white liberals), and advocate for policy reforms. Beginning during the “Black Power” era, the goal of putting black faces in high places to help address black concerns became a driving force in black politics. The deteriorating social and economic status of many in the black community, however, has not been prevented by either the political incorporation of more than 11,000 black elected officials or even the election of the nation’s first black president. This article will show how the inherent limitations of the pluralist interest-group strategy and a growing white backlash fueled by an awareness of changing demographics in the country has spawned an economic and political crisis in black America.     

Toward a Viable Progressive Third Party in 2020 and Beyond1

Creating a strong, influential third party has been an abiding aspiration on the American left, and were this goal to be achieved, it could be a great boon to subordinate groups in the United States. Yet widespread doubts persist, even among progressives that this is desirable, and especially that it is possible. Here, I briefly review compelling reasons for thinking otherwise; I then consider in some depth the potential for starting to build a viable left third party leading up to and after the pivotal 2020 election. In doing so, I go beyond the existing literature on third parties, which has yet to reflect systematically on progressive third party prospects in this period. Specifically, I assess how the emerging political environment may shape left third-party building, and I evaluate ongoing and developing attempts by key groups engaged in that effort. I find a distinct tension between conditions encouraging progressives to reform versus abandon the Democratic Party, and I identify one alternative party-building tendency that seems most able to exploit the latter impulse due to its already established electoral viability. Last, I highlight relevant questions that remain for activists hoping to create an effective national left third party.     

两种理论视野下的西欧穆斯林政治参与问题探析

20世纪60年代以来,穆斯林已经成为西欧社会不容忽视的现实存在,但是在政治参与方面,穆斯林远未能有效参与西欧各国的政治进程。穆斯林人口在种族、经济地位等方面的多样性是其有效参与政治的内在障碍。从资源动员理论和政治机会结构理论的分析可以发现,穆斯林对公民权、政治精英、参政渠道等政治资源的占有不足,加之欧洲殖民心理遗产的影响、欧洲的世俗化政策、伊斯兰恐惧症、外部穆斯林世界的影响等多种因素,共同构成了影响穆斯林广泛参与西欧政治生活的重要原因。