网上的西欧政党

20世纪90年代以后，互联网在全球迅速普及，对西欧政党产生了重要的影响。为适应自身发展的需要，获得更多选民的支持，西欧各国政党纷纷上网。他们竞相在网上开展各项活动。主要包括提供信息、网上竞选、政治参与和组织建设，并取得了一定的成效。但是，受到数字鸿沟、政党实力、政党利益、党员和选民态度的影响，西欧政党的网上潜能没有得到充分地发挥，政党的网上效力有待于进一步提高。     

强国富民:中国民主党派政治选择的价值取向

20世纪40年代中国民主党派选择与中国共产党合作,共同推翻蒋介石国民党政权的统治。中国民主党派的这一政治选择不仅原于国民党的独裁统治、中国共产党的统一战线政策、中国民主党派自身的先进性等政治层面的因素,更蕴涵着价值取向层面的因素——对强国富民这一理想的不懈追求。对这一历史问题的探讨,不仅对中国民主党派史的研究具有学术价值,而且对今天的执政党——中国共产党有着重要的历史启示。     

Friends or foes? Migrants and sub-state nationalists in Europe

ABSTRACT

How do sub-state nationalists respond to the growing presence of cultural diversity in their ‘homelands’ resulting from migration? Sub-state nationalists in Europe, in ‘nations without states’ such as Catalonia and Scotland, have been challenging the traditional nation-state model for many decades. While the arguments in favour of autonomy or independence levelled by these movements have become more complex, sub-state nationalist movements remain grounded by their perceived national community that is distinct from the majority nation. Migration to the ‘homeland’ of a sub-state nation, then, presents a conundrum for sub-state elites that we label the ‘legitimation paradox’: too much internal diversity may undermine the claim to cultural distinctiveness. We engage with three common intervening variables thought to influence how sub-state nationalists confront the ‘legitimation paradox’: civic/ethnic nationalism, degree of political autonomy, and party competition. Our overarching argument is that none of these factors have a unidirectional or determinate effect on the sub-state nationalism-immigration nexus, which is why the nuanced case studies that comprise this Special Issue are worthwhile endeavours.     

Toward a Viable Progressive Third Party in 2020 and Beyond1

Creating a strong, influential third party has been an abiding aspiration on the American left, and were this goal to be achieved, it could be a great boon to subordinate groups in the United States. Yet widespread doubts persist, even among progressives that this is desirable, and especially that it is possible. Here, I briefly review compelling reasons for thinking otherwise; I then consider in some depth the potential for starting to build a viable left third party leading up to and after the pivotal 2020 election. In doing so, I go beyond the existing literature on third parties, which has yet to reflect systematically on progressive third party prospects in this period. Specifically, I assess how the emerging political environment may shape left third-party building, and I evaluate ongoing and developing attempts by key groups engaged in that effort. I find a distinct tension between conditions encouraging progressives to reform versus abandon the Democratic Party, and I identify one alternative party-building tendency that seems most able to exploit the latter impulse due to its already established electoral viability. Last, I highlight relevant questions that remain for activists hoping to create an effective national left third party.     

论环境侵权民事诉讼的适格当事人

按照民事诉讼法"原告必须与本案有直接利害关系"的规定,环境侵权民事诉讼的适格原告包括行政机关、企业法人、农村集体组织及公民等类型,其中普通民众作为原告容易形成群体性共同诉讼,并对我国的代表人诉讼制度提出迫切需求,而一般民众的惧诉现实也急需环保机关及环保民间组织等单位予以支持起诉,现实更需要立法赋予更多的民事主体能成为环境侵权诉讼的适格原告。对环境侵权诉讼适格被告应根据不同的共同环境侵权类型及相应的责任承担方式予以认定,并对原告的选择被告处分权作出适当干预。     

WTO对中国电视业的影响及对策

中国加入 WTO后信息技术产业、电信业和电影业的进一步开放 ,对中国电视传播业发展的影响和冲击将会越来越大 ,同时 WTO将给中国电视传播业在广告市场的份额、媒体经营成本和媒体结构的调整等方面带来较大的发展机遇。WTO将开辟一条中国电视传播业走向世界最便捷的通道。面对 WTO的挑战 ,中国电视传播业要在观念更新、体制创新、调整改革战略、培养人才诸方面做好进一步的深化改革 ,加速中国电视业体制的改造与整合 ,促进中国电视传播业的有序竞争和发展     

论股利策略当事各方的利益要求

根据股利策略当事各方的不同利益要求论述了股份公司采用不同的股利策略将极大地影响公司的财务业绩和发展前景。     

联合国人权公约缔约国报告制度述评

缔约国报告制度是联合国人权公约监督实施的主要手段,是一种通过寻求人权国际保护与国家主权之间的平衡,从而促使缔约国履行尊重和保护人权的有效手段。缔约国报告制度的主要特征是独立专家机构通过接受,审查缔约国提交的报告,与缔约国建立建设性对话关系,从而促使缔约国履行人权公约规定的义务。缔约国报告制度从产生发展到今天,其运行存在一定问题,主要原因是国家没有正确认识这种监督实施措施的性质,正确处理人权国际保护与国家主权之间的关系。国际社会应该对缔约国报告制度进一步改革,国家应该增强与国际社会合作的意愿。联合国人权公约缔约国报告制度才能充分发挥其监督作用。     

和谐社会视域中的政党关系研究

当代中国独具特色的政党关系是社会主义政治文明发展的重大成果,创造了世界政党制度发展历史上的崭新模式。构建社会主义和谐社会,首先需要政党关系的和谐。实现政党关系的和谐,需要强化和谐的政治理念,处理好坚持执政党的领导与发扬社会主义民主的关系,以及执政党建设与参政党建设的相互促进。     

西欧主要政党干部的培养与选拔探析

一个政党能不能不断培养和推出大批优秀的领导人才,在很大程度上影响着该党的政治能力。西欧政党在对干部的物色与发掘、提名与选举、监督与管理、干部的教育与培训等环节都形成了自己的突出特点,其干部培养选拔体现了突出的“选举导向”,干部选拔过程突出了公开性与竞争性原则,干部来源体现了一定的开放性与多元性,干部角色遵循了“非兼职”原则,保持了专业化、职业化。