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1.
将农村中品种、胎次相同的60头怀孕母猪分为三组进行试验。试验结果表明,给产仔前5天的怀孕母猪口服调痢生,按每公斤体重100毫克剂量,每日一次,连用5天,对预防其所产仔猪不患黄、白痢病具有显著效果;而且仔猪增重快,药费成本低,使用方便,经济效益明显。  相似文献   
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一切视觉表象都是由色彩和亮度产生的,那界定形状的轮廓线,是眼睛区分几个在亮度和色彩方面都绝然不同的区域时推导出来的。色彩在服装中的表现力是极强的,是服装款式所不能替代的,特别是色彩的表情作用、象征性、情感表露、意志性的体现,使服装的蕴涵更充实。本文讲述了作为流行色的旋转中轴———黑白色,它没有时段性的流行特征,而是永久的流行色,具有永恒的特征。  相似文献   
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《Sociological Forum》2018,33(3):690-711
In every year between 2004 and 2012, more than 800,000 Americans reported volunteering internationally (Lough 2013 ). These volunteers are overwhelmingly white (McBride and Lough 2008 ) and entering a largely nonwhite and developing world. This study starts by questioning how racial status informs volunteer/volunteer tourist interactions, both with locals and with other volunteers, in a global context. In‐depth interviews with 23 missionaries, teachers, and volunteers from the United States and Canada reveal that (1) international volunteering is largely motivated by romantic and exotic understandings of the Global South and (2) in spite of a stated interest in cultural immersion, participants’ notions of their whiteness guided their perceptions of Hondurans and their actions as they sought out and retreated to white spaces protected from Honduran influence. These findings further the work of those who have argued first world travelers have homogenized spaces on reserve, by demonstrating that whiteness can be the basis for the construction and maintenance of protected spaces in predominantly nonwhite countries.  相似文献   
5.
美国作家赫尔曼·麦尔维尔的《白鲸》是19世纪的一部宏篇巨作,作者从白色的意义、白色的本质以及对白色的追寻这几个层面,挖掘出白色所隐含的种族歧视问题,探讨了其中所蕴藏着的反种族歧视的萌芽,表明了麦尔维尔对自己的内心世界、对种族问题所进行的艰难而又痛苦的探索与思考。  相似文献   
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本文旨在简要论述藏族崇白习俗在历史传承过程中发展及演变的轨迹和脉络 ,探索在民族文化的现代化进程中崇白习俗得以强化的可能性和现实性 ,进而思考民族文化面对现代化的冲击何以自处及其重要意义  相似文献   
7.
定都重庆的巴国兴于禹夏时期而毁祀于秦惠王,享国1700年.巴部族共奉白虎图腾,立国之初当是有夏属国.入周后巴国臣服姬周,周季在南楚北秦两大霸主挤压下,公元前316年走到尽头.此前,虎巴文化源头仅见于神话,让人感到扑朔迷离.运用新近出土的考古资料并兼采民间神话,整合解读相关文献,昭示巴国由鄂入渝的秘踪.  相似文献   
8.
Pluralist theorists have long contended that to exercise power and influence in the American political system, blacks should come together like any other organized interest group, form coalitions with other like-minded people (white liberals), and advocate for policy reforms. Beginning during the “Black Power” era, the goal of putting black faces in high places to help address black concerns became a driving force in black politics. The deteriorating social and economic status of many in the black community, however, has not been prevented by either the political incorporation of more than 11,000 black elected officials or even the election of the nation’s first black president. This article will show how the inherent limitations of the pluralist interest-group strategy and a growing white backlash fueled by an awareness of changing demographics in the country has spawned an economic and political crisis in black America.  相似文献   
9.
The growing political power of racialized groups in white‐supremacist societies has unsettled the hegemonic position of whiteness. In the United States, this political shift has led to the linguistic repositioning of whiteness within public discourse as visible and vulnerable rather than unmarked and dominant; such repositioning operates as part of a larger strategy for maintaining white supremacy. Within white publics, which are simultaneously constituted through white public space, white public discourse, and white affects, those who are white‐identified linguistically engage in affective performances that reassert racial dominance by invoking claims of wounded whiteness. The article compares the affective strategies of white public discourse found, on the one hand, in ethnographic interviews with white youth in liberal educational spaces in California and, on the other hand, in the mediatized discourse of the US racist far right. The analysis identifies five affective discourse strategies deployed in the white public discourse of both groups: colormute racism; disavowals of racism; appropriations of diversity discourses; performances of white fragility; and claims of reverse racism. This shared set of discursive strategies is part of the larger convergence and mutual dependence of militant racism and mainstream racism in protecting all white people’s possessive investment in white supremacy.  相似文献   
10.
This study examined biological sex differences in the development of mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and probable Alzheimer’s disease (AD) development as predicted by changes in the hippocampus or white matter hyperintensities. A secondary data analysis of the National Alzheimer’s Coordinating Center Uniform Data Set was conducted. We selected samples of participants with normal cognition at baseline who progressed to MCI (n = 483) and those who progressed to probable AD (n = 211) to determine if hippocampal volume or white matter hyperintensities (WMH) at baseline predicted progression to probable AD or MCI and whether the rate of progression differed between men and women. The survival analyses indicated that changes in hippocampal volumes affected the progression to probable AD (HR = 0.535, 95% CI [0.300–0.953]) only among women. White men had an increased rate of progression to AD (HR = 4.396, CI [1.012–19.08]; HR = 4.665, 95% CI [1.072–20.29]) compared to men in other race and ethnic groups. Among women, increases in hippocampal volume ratio led to decreased rates of progressing to MCI (HR = 0.386, 95% CI [0.166–0.901]). Increased WMH among men led to faster progression to MCI (HR = 1.048. 95% CI [1.011–1.086]). Women and men who were older at baseline were more likely to progress to MCI. In addition, results from longitudinal analyses showed that women with a higher CDR global score, older age at baseline, or more disinhibition symptoms experienced higher odds of MCI development. Changes in hippocampal volumes affect the progression to or odds of probable AD (and MCI) more so among women than men, while changes in WMH affected the progression to MCI only among men.  相似文献   
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