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唐代兴 《阴山学刊》2008,21(5):69-74
国家文明的重要标志是制度文明,制度文明的道德立法原理乃是平等。人类追求平等的历程,表征为不断创建新的制度文明的历程;反之,人类创建制度文明的历程,同样是不懈探索平等生存发展的历程。平等的观念、思想来源于自然,萌生于人类前文明时期;国家诞生之后,这种自然平等观念、思想演变为等级式平等的制度立法原理;近代革命以来,人类中心主义的人人平等思想,成为现代人类制度的道德立法原理。人本中心论的人人平等的制度文明,从根本上忽视了自然权利、万物生命权利的平等这一存在事实,把人类引上片面征服和掠夺的道路,导致了人与自然之生态链的断裂。当代制度文明应该建立在物权与人权普遍平等的基础上。物权和人权普遍平等,构成了当代人类制度文明创建的道德立法原理。  相似文献   
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This study examines the effect of caste on child mortality and maternal health care utilization in rural India using data from the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-2) carried out during 1998–1999. Results from multilevel discrete-time hazard models indicate that, net of individual-level and community-level controls, children belonging to low castes have higher risks of death and women belonging to low castes have lower rates of antenatal and delivery care utilization than children and women belonging to upper castes. At the same time, the controls account for most of the differences within the low castes. Further analysis shows that the mortality disadvantage of low castes is more pronounced in poorer districts. These results highlight the need to target low caste members in the provision of maternal and child health services.  相似文献   
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殖民地时期印度社会世俗化进程研究   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
印度教种姓制度是印度传统社会的主体构架形式,是集宗教、政治、经济和社会等级为一体的、全世界独一无二的压迫性社会隔离制度。在这一制度下,贱民阶层和妇女备受歧视和压迫。印度社会世俗化的主要目标是要解决贱民问题和妇女问题。英国殖民者所进行的经济和社会改革启动了印度的社会世俗化进程。印度的民族运动将这一进程推向深入。殖民地时期,贱民和妇女在社会世俗化的进程中逐渐获得了一定程度的解放。  相似文献   
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This article examines the impact of social policy interventions on caste inequalities. The article accepts the proposition by Charles Tilly that durable inequalities are entrenched solutions while addressing organizational problems of society. The political economy approach to caste enables us to understand how the discriminatory practices around caste are durable. The article examines two types of social policies set up to deal with caste discrimination. The first type of policies are particularistic policies which directly address the concerns of the members of the depressed castes. The second type of policies are aimed at the general population, but from which a large number of depressed caste members benefit. The article concludes that both types of policies have only an ameliorative function rather than an emancipation role. It is argued here that ‘social policy’ in the context of durable inequality requires redefinition to include political interventions. The administrative view of social policy focuses heavily on the state, and in the context of durable inequality, the legitimacy of the state itself is in question. On the other hand, mobilization around politics addresses the organizational anomaly of the society, which is at the root of durable inequality.  相似文献   
5.
扎草曼  张原 《民族学刊》2015,6(5):39-47,105-107
路易?杜蒙的“古代印度的王权观念”一文是论述印度世俗化王权观念的重要文本。杜蒙指出等级阶序是印度社会价值观念之核心,在阶序格局中祭司与国王的二分等级关系体现了地位与权力、宗教与王权、祭祀与巫术、价值与政治等社会范畴的“理想型”关系。所以要理解印度王权观念世俗化过程中生成的个体主义、契约理论和政治经济范畴,必须基于对“阶序”这一意识形态的社会学意义之理解上,以一种比较的视野来展开。  相似文献   
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印度教以独特的种姓制度为依托,将宗教等级观念泛化到社会生活中,将世俗的社会生活宗教化。从根本上说,种姓制度是一种根植于印度教洁净观念的价值体系。中国凉山彝族等级制度则以血亲认同为标准,以家支观念和家支组织为依托,将社会关系亲缘化,把等级观念渗入到社会生活中。严格的等级内婚是两种制度共有的重要特征。  相似文献   
7.
To understand caste in India we must explain the particularity of this mode of stratification, while avoiding an essentialism that isolates caste from other social forms. Stratification appeared in India long before an emic model of caste. Yet in contemporary India, I found actors concerned to place themselves in a rank order, even in ephemeral situations. I outline an Indian concept of the individual, characterised by relative immunity of the self to the social sphere, and argue that this immunity acts as a shield to keep ranking apart from the self. Indian actors show their social capability by adapting to situations rather than imposing a consistent personality across them. Local stratification is explained by actors in a historical mode, as if history was an interactional sequence played out between communities rather than individuals. Indigenous models of society provide an alternative explanatory mode, as when Brahmins claim the superior position. Their holistic model, however, is matched by king-centred and merchant-centred models. Subalterns have yet other views of Indian society. I argue that holistic models in India are constructions of the dominant, and should not be taken to represent ‘Indian culture’. Indian society should rather be seen as plural, with several emic models used to describe and explain it. Still, the tendency to create rank in so many situations points to particular rules of interaction and discourse, which implies talking ‘as if’ hierarchy, in the Dumontian sense, was an objective reality.  相似文献   
8.
中国古代民本思想的形成,主要与“民”的范围变化和“士”阶层的兴起有关。在上古中国,由于自然环境和生存压力,“养民”便成为政治理想的最为重要的一环。自孔子始,重视教育,提倡“教化万民”又成为民本思想的一个重要方面。在春秋战国之际,“士”阶层的兴起,打破了“学在官府”的局面,使得民本思想在现实的君主制度下,既坚持“教民、安民”理念,也形成了对君主进行规谏、监督的内涵。古代中国民本思想的核心原则“国以民为本、君以民为本、政以民为本”,其发展是通过统治阶级的政治家、思想家的自我反思和批判、自我认识完成的。  相似文献   
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