国民党政府“训政”述略

在国民党政权统治中国的 2 0多年间 ,蒋介石集团长期以“训政”为幌子建立并强化其一党专政的政治体制 ,由于它背离了孙中山“还政于民”的初衷 ,也违背了广大民众的意愿 ,这种改头换面的“训政”必然会遭到全国人民的反对并注定了其最终破产的命运。     

Oligarchy for Social Choice Correspondences and Strategy-Proofness

We study the existence of a group of individuals which has some decisive power for social choice correspondences that satisfy a monotonicity property which we call modified monotonicity. And we examine the relation between modified monotonicity and strategy-proofness of social choice correspondences according to the definition by Duggan and Schwartz (2000). We will show mainly the following two results. (1) Modified monotonicity implies the existence of an oligarchy. An oligarchy is a group of individuals such that it has some decisive power (semi-decisiveness), and at least one of the most preferred alternatives of every its member is always chosen by any social choice correspondence. (2) Strategy-proofness of social choice correspondences is equivalent to modified monotonicity.     

The World Social Forum: Another World Might Be Possible

First, I briefly examine the genesis of debate to define the World Social Forum (WSF) as a contributor to the global justice movement (GJM), since its emergence in Brazil in 2001. I then consider Geoffrey Pleyers' argument identifying a central tension within the WSF, and the GJM in general, between actors seeking to achieve non-domination by expressing anti-power subjectivity and those for whom the path to non-domination lay in strategising and designing counter-powers. Describing what transpired at WSF Dakar 2011and debates since, I question Pleyers' classificatory schema as leading to an unhelpful essentialism. That is, identifying a ‘two paths’ ideal-type and setting out to locate it in the world serves to legitimise one ‘tendency’ of progressive social movements. By contrast with Pleyers' evenly balanced approach—treating of each ‘path’ as possessing the same positive and negative qualities, rather than as qualitatively different moments in the practice of opposing domination—I find that what he calls ‘the path of subjectivity’ might rather be understood as the product of a certain lack of appreciation of the nature of the demands that opposing political tyranny places upon particpants in an organisation or movement.     

门阀政治下西晋庶族诗歌创作的风格

西晋门阀政治引致＂上品无寒门,下品无士族＂的社会格局对当时的诗歌创作产生了极大的影响,激发了不少庶族寒门之士用诗歌寄予他们的苦闷,主要表现为两种风格：一种是怀才不遇的高唱不平,大声疾呼;另一种则是隐退俗世,乖离现实的绝望吟唱。两种诗歌创作风格都是基于对当时现实的反抗。     

大学文化建设历史传承性与大学精神培育

大学文化是大学的精髓和灵魂,建设大学文化应努力发掘和传承中华民族文化遗产中的精华,推进大学文化建设和大学精神应抓住社会主义核心价值体系这个根本,营造大学的良好思想舆论氛围,不断推进文化创新,加强校园文化建设,形成良好校园人文环境。     

Collective‐unconscious apologetics of plutocracy and oligarchy: Chicago economics' ideological preferences revealed by the sociology of knowledge

The article places and analyzes the Chicago school of economics within the framework of Mannheim's sociology of knowledge or ideas that posits and documents social determinants of ideas and ideologies. This framework reveals the Chicago school as the explicit or implicit ideology and utopia of plutocracy, oligarchy and aristocracy in the sense of apologetics of these social classes and/or systems, thus being the class form of ‘apologetic economics’. Specifically, first, Chicago economics reveals itself as the collective‐unconscious apologetics of plutocracy, oligarchy and aristocracy. Second, it appears as the ‘collective‐conscious’ apologetics in this respect. In addition, it come close to the mostly covert collective‐unconscious or conscious apologetics of theocracy and fascism. The article aims to contribute to a better understanding of the social, in particular class, factors of Chicago and related schools of economics and generally of economic ideas, theories and policies by applying Mannheim's sociology of knowledge, especially its emphasis on the collective unconscious as the source of ideology.     

Governance, Organization, and Democracy on the Internet: The Iron Law and the Evolution of Wikipedia

This study examines whether the Iron Law of Oligarchy exists in Wikipedia by analyzing how a key policy of the website regarding verifiability evolved into its current form. The study describes the decision-making processes of Wikipedia and shows that there are many factors preventing or slowing the development of oligarchy on Wikipedia. The study provides data advancing theoretical concepts related to the Iron Law of Oligarchy and the evolution of virtual communities and organizations; results and knowledge gained can also improve Wikipedia policies related to verifiability. Michels wrote: "who says organization, says oligarchy." I argue that we should follow this with a caveat: "who says wiki-organization, says no to oligarchy."     

Collegial oligarchy and networks of normative alignments in transnational institution building

This paper presents a combined relational and cultural approach to transnational institution building by focusing on a network analysis of a small collegial oligarchy and normative alignments among its peers. To contribute to a theory of institutionalization, we propose hypotheses about whom professionals as institutional entrepreneurs are likely to select as members of their collegial oligarchy, about the role of social networks among them in identifying these leaders, and about the costs of alignments on these leaders’ normative choices. We test these hypotheses using mainly Exponential Random Graph Models (ERGMs) applied to a dataset including network information and normative choices collected at the so-called Venice Forum – a field-configuring event that was central in creating and mobilizing a network of European patent judges for the construction of a new transnational institution, the European Unified Patent Court. We track normative alignments on the collegial hierarchy in this network of judges and their divergent interpretations of the contemporary European patent. Highlighting this under-examined articulation of relational infrastructures and cultural framing in transnational institutionalization shows how Northern European forms of capitalism tend to dominate in this institutionalization process at the expense of the Southern European forms. It also helps reflect on the usefulness of analyses of small networks of powerful players in organizational societies, where power and influence are highly concentrated.     

试论修昔底德笔下雅典政制的品性

自霍布斯以降,修昔底德对雅典政制的真实态度引发了学界诸多争论。其中,主流观点认为,修昔底德是雅典民主的批评者,雅典在伯罗奔尼撒战争中的总体表现是令人失望的。笔者通过考察雅典在瘟疫期间、西西里远征以及失败后的表现,力图论证修昔底德笔下的雅典政制和民众在城邦遭遇严重危机时,仍表现出了强大的适应力。笔者认为,修昔底德笔下的雅典政制的品性主要由三个因素塑造而成,即雅典民主制度下民众的政治判断力、雅典自驱逐僭主家族以来形成的城邦自由传统、从希波战争开始逐步构建海洋帝国的实践。这三个因素共同塑造了雅典政制的品性,使雅典在城邦危亡之际仍能保持自由传统,民众在大多数情况下也能做出有利于城邦公共利益的决策。

     

村级治理的“寡头定律”及其解释

村级治理定位为供给公共品、培育现代公民和促进国家政权建设。国家治理转型和乡土社会变迁催生出的“富人治村”是乡村治理嬗变的表象。村级治理在权威结构、资源配置和利益攫取等方面呈现出寡头特征,灰色利益生产、精英结盟和政治庇护促成寡头治理再生产。外生性利益输入和乡土弱社会成为寡头治村的形塑要件。村级治理的“寡头定律”界定出资源下乡时代乡村政治实践的本质特征,寡头治村的相对固化消解掉村级治理的基本目标。面对普遍存在的村庄寡头政治,乡村振兴战略提出后基层治理能力的现代化,超越基层民主建设命题,对以县为主的地方治理提出深刻而直接的挑战。