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1.
中东剧变对阿拉伯世界整体格局和阿拉伯板块在国际体系中的地位产生了深刻影响。阿拉伯世界转型促使海合会正不断向阿拉伯君主共同体转型,也加快了东盟本身及其许多成员国的民主化进程。面对当前海合会从海湾次地区力量迈向中东地区性力量的战略走向,东盟在政治与经济层面加强了与海合会的协作,海合会的大国外交战略也将不断变化中的东盟纳入其重要战略目标领域。尽管如此,双边政治合作仍滞后于经贸合作,东盟—海合会自由贸易区仍是未来的首要目标。  相似文献   
2.
Work on democratization typically considers the diffusion of democracy through interstate partnerships. However, such partnerships constitute complex networks that scholars have yet to fully explore as vectors for the spread of democracy. We develop a network theory of democratization which characterizes these networks as epistemic communities that influence elites’ attitudes towards favorable regime types. Our theory predicts, and our empirical strategy confirms, that direct and indirect ties in the alliance network are vectors for democratization. In contrast to conventional wisdom, we find that direct influence is only transmitted through the defensive alliance network and find evidence of higher-order effects.  相似文献   
3.
从全球视野来看,当代民主化是转型国家向西方学习民主政治的过程,也是西方国家出于利益需要,施加压力和影响的过程。现代化在绝大多数国家成为深入人心的发展理念,全球化在20世纪90年代达到新的高峰,民主化在世界范围内迅速扩展,国际因素由于全球化的加速而更加突出。这些新发展将国际因素纳入转型学研究中,因为仅仅强调国内因素已无法对民主化的迅速扩散作出充分解释。对民主化的国际因素进行研究,在方法上可以归入国际政治-国内政治范式;在新范式的影响下,对国际因素与民主化关系的研究在理论模型、个案研究与实证分析等方面均有所进展。  相似文献   
4.
作为上层建筑的转型,中东民主化受到了经济基础的制约,该地区依赖自然资源的经济模式、经济增长缓慢,既得利益集团的抗拒都对民主化形成阻障.只要这些阻碍民主化的经济因素不消除,中东民主化的前景仍不乐观.  相似文献   
5.
This article documents an innovative research project 'Monitoring the Impact of Technological Changes in Women's Employment in the Asian Region'. Initiated in 1994 by the United Nations University Institute for New Technologies (UNU/INTECH), the project sought to democratise the dialogue around technological changes and globalization by bringing together NGOs active among women workers, academic researchers and policy makers. It was guided by the assumption that those affected by the impact of new technologies should play a major part in making and implementing policy. Women workers, for example, should be able to lay claim to the knowledge which circulates through international organizations, while national and international policy makers stand to gain by listening directly to groups such as these who frequently are excluded from the benefits of globalized technological changes. Twenty-eight trade union and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) worked alongside experienced researchers, covering eight countries and holding a series of both country-based and international workshops. The first research project to attempt direct inter-communication on such an extensive scale, 'Monitoring the Impact of Technological Changes in Women's Employment in the Asian Region' shifted the debate on gender and technology onto the terrain of the actual problems and possibilities currently faced by women workers rather than adopting positions for or against technology. The collaborative research process highlights several priority areas of policy dialogue which have been neglected and indicate ways of organizing which could secure better conditions of work. The evidence uncoveredandthe concerns expressedraise fundamental questions about whose interests and values are shaping the emerging techno-economic paradigm.  相似文献   
6.
“9·11”后欧盟加大对沙特等海合会国家的关注力度,这对未来如何建立新型的西方与伊斯兰世界的关系有重要参考价值。欧盟推进沙特民主化进程的动机主要表现在四个方面:维护欧洲安全、促进沙特稳定、弘扬欧洲民主、抵消美国压力。欧盟主要从经贸领域着手,积极推进沙特更好地融入世界经济,此外,还辅以对其现行政治制度的宽容和对伊斯兰的理解与尊重。欧盟民主观建立在维护人权的基础上,其民主只是一种手段而非终极目标。在欧盟的间接影响下,沙特在地方选举、政府机构改革和发展、非暴力民间组织的诞生、妇女地位改善等方面有所推进。欧盟与沙特之间存在着良性互动。  相似文献   
7.
作为上层建筑的转型,中东民主化受到了经济基础的制约。该地区依赖自然资源的经济模式、经济增长缓慢、既得利益集团的抗拒都对民主化形成阻障。只要这些阻碍民主化的经济因素不消除,中东民主化的前景仍不乐观。  相似文献   
8.
Theorists have linked the creation of social capital to the development of the kind of robust civil society that underwrites the well formed and stable democracy. This understanding raises the problem of what is social capital in specific national contexts. A critical issue is whether and to what extent a model of social capital moulded to the EuroAmerican experience is applicable to the new democracies. Three arguments are made in the context of a review of the works of Putnam and Touraine. First, the question of social capital foundationally concerns not only the production of institutions and values but the conditions of production. Analysis thus needs to grasp not only the specifically social process of its creation, distribution, and institutionalization, but the political culture and economy that serve as its foundation. Second, theories of social capital created in the context of nation-state based production-centered political economy do not capture what is going on in an increasingly globalized and circulatory political economy. And third, theories of social capital centered on the United States and Europe are only partially applicable to the emerging democracies of Africa and the postcolony generally.
Thomas A. KoelbleEmail:
  相似文献   
9.
当代公民社会与民主化关系的新解读   总被引:11,自引:0,他引:11  
庞金友 《文史哲》2004,30(5):156-161
西方学术界对当代公民社会与民主化的关系一直持比较乐观的态度,甚至有学者将公民社会视为民主化的必要前提。这种结论实际上忽略了诸多重要因素,如公民社会概念的差异性、公民社会对国家及民主的依赖、虚假的政治变量的存在以及公民社会决定论的误导等。有必要对这种乐观的理论观点予以反思,重新审视当代的公民社会与民主化,全面而谨慎地解读两者的关系。这些思考无疑会为中国公民社会的发展以及民主化进程提供有益的理论资源和现实启示。  相似文献   
10.
有关土地的上访已占据农民上访的多数,成为农村的主要矛盾,土地纠纷影响社会的安定.引发纠纷的关键在于征地影响农民的决定权,而平山村恰好相反,赋予村民处分权,实现了一地安和.平山村的个案可以回答征地问题,具有普遍的现实意义.  相似文献   
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