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宋丽萍 《唐都学刊》2005,21(4):119-124
印度人民党的经济思想经历了从甘地社会主义观念,到司瓦德西思想,再到自由主义政策的发展历程,这样的变化调整与社会政治形势发展是密切相关的。在不同的政治发展阶段,印度人民党依靠民族主义和现实的社会经济政策赢得选民的支持,体现了印度人民党作为具有宗教民族主义特征的现代政党,教派主义与现实主义两手抓的政治动员策略。  相似文献   
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India's Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) is the largest labour guarantee scheme in the world, offering 100 days of paid labour to every rural household. This article reviews the growing evidence base, assessing the extent to which the scheme can be said to contribute to resilience to climate change, based on its effectiveness as a safety net and driver of household accumulation, its ability to create assets which build collective resilience, and its support for transformations of exploitative social relations. The article concludes that the MGNREGA has already made a major contribution to resilience, but requires improvements in governance and state capacity to maximize its contribution.  相似文献   
3.
From 1923–24, Mahatma Gandhi wrote his recollections of South Africa from a prison cell in India. This text, Satyagraha in South Africa, was intended to be ‘helpful in our present struggle’ to liberate India, as well as ‘a guide to any regular historian who may arise in the future.’ An emphatically transnational text, Satyagraha in South Africa relies upon the mode of allegory to place South Africa and India in relation to each other. As it encourages comparison, however, it discourages common cause. Gandhi places Africans as the anterior sign in a larger system of signification: South African politics prefigures Indian anti-colonial victory to come, but the African native also represents the innocent natives of India writ large.

Without the political didactics of Hind Swaraj, the journalistic interventions of Indian Opinion or even the philosophical aspirations of My Experiments with Truth, this fictionalised history has rarely been the centre of attention. Satyagraha in South Africa, however, reveals Gandhi’s understanding of imperial geography, as he places South Africa and India in a single frame but fails to imagine them as inhabiting the same historical present. This understanding is reflected in his political decisions, as he fails to connect Indian anti-colonial agitation with struggles elsewhere.  相似文献   
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This essay re-examines the democratic Enlightenment as a multi-dimensional, heterogeneous, non-Eurocentric and living heritage. Gandhi's political contribution to the Enlightenment heritage is assessed in terms of values, epistemology and practice. Practically, this concerns the French Revolutionary heritage as a paradigm of political action, and Gandhian innovations in terms of mass movements based on the philosophy and practice of non-violence. The essay contends that Gandhi, far from merely an heir to the Enlightenment tradition, also radically challenged, expanded and transformed it. This transformation belongs to a broader re-evaluation of Enlightenment in terms of growth over final ends, held in common with thinkers such as John Dewey. The article critiques predominant arguments that Gandhi was an ‘anti-modern’, whether in a heroic ‘post-modern’ posture or as an enemy of ‘scientific modernity’. It argues for a more sociologically nuanced and historically grounded view of Gandhi in the historical comparative perspective of modern independence struggles, civil society formation and nation-making.  相似文献   
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徐甡民 《学术界》2001,(4):41-53
近现代的上海市民社会,其对于社会体制的变革有着热切的期盼,然而与此同时,它又是社会稳定和制衡的重要力量.市民社会具有革命性,而暴力革命却又并非是它的选择.因为在它看来,暴力革命在摧毁专制的同时,将孕育新的专制."广场民主"和"直接民主"也不是市民社会的理性选择.正是在相对缺乏民主基础和法治精神的国度,民变易生.然正是如此,激进的民变容易造成社会的失序和失范.市民社会追求的是演变,是在旧体制中进行变革的诉求和实践,从而在循序渐进中改造旧体制.戊戌变法曾经是一次重大的演变实践.但是由于方法上的激进,中国历史上的一次重要机遇以及某种价值理念就此丧失.  相似文献   
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