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The German sociologist Max Weber is rarely referred to in public relations theory and research. In this article it is argued that his concepts of legitimacy and legitimation are relevant for understanding and analyzing public relations activities. Legitimacy, i.e. having sufficient external support to continue to exist, is seen as the ultimate purpose of public relations, and legitimation is seen as the efforts which are aimed at acquiring organizational legitimacy. The article discusses both theoretical and practical implications of these ideas for the field of public relations. 相似文献
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《Public Relations Review》2022,48(5):102254
This study conducted a quantitative content analysis to examine corporate Inclusivity, Diversity, Equity, and Accessibility (IDEA) communication (n = 1216) from 48 corporations on Facebook through the lens of dimensionality, stakeholders, drivers (legitimation), and level of investment. Findings indicated that most of the IDEA communication on Facebook focused on gender and racial/ethnicity diversity, employee, and community stakeholders. The IDEA communication was almost equally value- and performance-driven and reflected external promotion level of investment. External stakeholders engaged more with performance-driven and external promotion IDEA communication. The volume of IDEA posts reflected corporate internal diversity practice and was positively related with Glassdoor ratings of the corporation by African American, Middle Eastern, and LGBTQ+ employees. 相似文献
3.
彭支援 《华北水利水电学院学报(社会科学版)》2011,(3):109-111
由于"群体性事件"概念不能蕴含现实中存在的群体性冲突的维权属性,具有内在缺陷。以"集体行动"概念指称这类群体性冲突,可以涵盖它的维权特性,弥补上述不足。从法学视角来看,集体行动是公民行使联合行动权利,维护自身生存权利、经济权利和民主权利的法律行为,它是公民宪法权利行使和人自我发展价值追求的体现,具有宪法上的渊源和伦理正当性。 相似文献
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Andrew Chadwick 《Information, Communication & Society》2001,4(3):435-457
The issue of legitimation by political elites has been a central concern of political scientists for many years. This article draws upon the work of Murray Edelman who was instrumental in analysing this relationship between rulers and ruled, the relatively powerful and relatively powerless, through an understanding of language, symbolism and the manipulation of information. It concludes with the contention that the Internet offers the prospect for governments to create new 'electronic faces', which act to support a symbolic architecture of power. 相似文献
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Which Champions,Which People? Public and User Involvement in Health Care as a Technology of Legitimation 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
This paper concerns two practices, public consultation and user involvement, whose adoption has been urged upon the UK National Health Service in recent years. Public consultation is a local attempt to seek the views of a broad constituency of persons. User involvement is a local attempt to include organized groups of service users in the planning, and occasionally the management, of such services. The paper has four objectives. First, it locates the topic in the context of several related current debates. Second, it outlines the main findings of a recent empirical study of public consultation as they relate to the above debates. Third, it summarizes the relevant findings of an empirical study of user involvement. Finally, it examines these two practices as "technologies of legitimation" which can be seen as a means by which managerial legitimacy is maintained in the context of an increasingly pluralistic policy arena. 相似文献
6.
Honorata Mazepus Wouter Veenendaal Anthea McCarthy-Jones Juan Manuel Trak Vásquez 《Policy Studies》2016,37(4):350-369
Despite the growing body of research on ‘hybrid regimes’, few studies address the issue of their domestic legitimacy. Targeting this gap in the literature, this article explores the legitimation strategies of three hybrid regimes around the globe: Russia, Venezuela, and Seychelles. Although these countries differ markedly in almost every aspect that can be thought of, the political systems of all three cases combine formally democratic institutions with authoritarian political dynamics. The qualitative, comparative analysis presented in this article uncovers a number of remarkable similarities between the regimes’ respective legitimization strategies. However, while the strategies for engendering legitimacy are similar across the cases, the content of these strategies is different: the Russian leadership mainly relies on preserving order and nationalism, the Venezuelan regime employs a more populist strategy, and the Seychellois regime uses a more personal and particularistic approach. Our findings not only provide insights into the mechanisms hybrid regimes use to consolidate their authority, but also highlight important differences and similarities between hybrid regimes around the world. 相似文献
7.
György Szerbhorvàth 《Cultural Studies》2013,27(1):127-144
This study aims to discover what sort of consumption culture developed among Yugoslavians due to the fact that in the 1960s and 1970s several thousands of them went to Western Europe as guest workers. By analyzing life interviews and literary works the author comes to the conclusion that while consumption culture had evolved in Yugoslavia much earlier than in any other socialist countries thanks to the returning guest workers, these people also created the ‘culture of suffering’ which emerged in the context of feeling homeless, strange and homesick. All of that also meant that in Yugoslavia the system was partly legitimized by the consumption culture imported by the guest workers. 相似文献
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哈贝马斯晚期资本主义危机理论述评 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
在借用系统论研究成果的基础上,哈贝马斯提出其晚期资本主义危机理论。本文在解释哈贝马斯晚期资本主义危机理论相关概念的基础上,概述了晚期资本主义结构变化,阐释哈贝马斯晚期资本主义危机理论的内涵,解析了其产生背景,辨析了哈贝马斯晚期资本主义危机理论与马克思主义的危机理论相互关系。 相似文献
10.
Vincent Bal 《Sociologie du Travail》2010,52(4):13
This article focuses on the evolution of the actors involved in environmental decision-making at the urban scale covering a period from the early eighties up to the present. Through the cases of Manchester (United Kingdom) and Saint-Étienne (France), we aim at showing that the shift in discourse from “local environment” to “sustainable development” lead to a dramatic change in the actors involved in the production of urban environmental policies. This evolution will be explained by a transformation of the sources of legitimacy of local political elites (with the rise of output-oriented legitimacy) and a transformation of the political resources they mobilised. This evolution could be analysed as a stronger investment of urban political elites in the “policies” dimension of their work. 相似文献