Father's Migration and Leaving the Parental Home in Rural Mozambique

Migration is an increasingly common global phenomenon and has important implications for the well‐being of family members left behind. Although extensive research has examined the impact of parental labor migration on school‐age children, less is known about its effect on adolescents. In this study, the authors used longitudinal survey data collected in rural Mozambique (N = 515) to assess the association between father's migration and adolescent children's leaving the parental home, an important component of the transition to adulthood. The results showed that father's migration delays home‐leaving for adolescent girls and that these effects are not mediated by school enrollment. The results for boys were inconclusive. The authors also found that remittances and longer durations of paternal migration were negatively associated with the transition out of the home. On the basis of the findings, they argue that father's migration delays girls' marriage.     

Violence and political culture in Mozambique

This article is an attempt at developing a lens through which political culture in Mozambique can be analysed, described and interpreted. It is based on the notion of a political teleology that emerged out of the conditions within which the country fought for its independence. The paper argues that violence in a symbolic and physical form played a central role in the constitution of this political teleology by, on the one hand, allowing the liberation movement to produce an account of Mozambican history which both gave legitimacy to its own struggle while at the same time undermining alternative accounts and, on the other, set the scene for the implementation of a national project that came to be primarily concerned with the reproduction of the claim to power of the liberation movement. Forty years of independence in Mozambique offer an ideal time frame to attempt the construction of such a lens.     

Muslims of northern Mozambique and the liberation movements

Despite the fact that the liberation war occurred in northern Mozambique, where a considerable number of Muslims lived, their contribution to the independence struggle has been little studied. This paper focusses on their participation in two nationalist liberation movements, Mozambican African National Union (MANU) and Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO), and demonstrates that the prevailing idea in scholarship about Muslims’ aloofness from the liberation struggle is unjustified. It argues that Muslim support and participation in the liberation movements stemmed primarily from grassroots African nationalism. Like most Africans, Muslims wished to end colonialism and recover their land from the Portuguese. African Muslims of northern Mozambique were well suited to support these movements, because Islam and chieftainship were linked to each other. Chiefs were believed to be the ‘owners’ and ‘stewards’ of the land, and a majority of Muslim leaders, whether traditional chiefs (régulos, in Portuguese) or Sufi leaders (tariqa khulafa’, in Arabic), were from the chiefly clans. Most importantly, Muslims of northern Mozambique had close historical and cultural ties to Tanganyika and Zanzibar, especially through Islamic and kinship networks. The involvement of Muslims in the liberation movements of those regions, in particular in Tanganyika African National Union (TANU), inspired and encouraged the Muslims of northern Mozambique to support MANU and FRELIMO, especially since these two movements were launched in Tanganyika and Zanzibar with TANU backing and the participation of Muslim immigrants from northern Mozambique.     

Regional fertility trends in Mozambique

This article increases our knowledge of Mozambique's demography by assessing the nature and magnitude of fertility decline, using the 1980 and 1997 censuses and the 1997 Demographic and Health Survey. Several robust methods, including P/F ratios from census and birth history data, the own-children procedure (census data), and estimates of censored parity progression ratios (adjusted for truncation bias) are used to identify fertility trends. Regional differences in fertility trends are discussed in the light of the proximate determinants of fertility. Fertility decline has started in Mozambique but the magnitude of the decline differs among the three administrative regions in the country. In Southern Region the fertility decline is well established, while in Northern and Central regions the decline is still incipient.     

Prevalence and Motivations of Vaginal Practices in Tete Province,Mozambique

ABSTRACT. Vaginal practices have been linked with an increase in risk for HIV transmission and other harms. In 2007, a household survey of 919 women was conducted in Tete province, Mozambique, as part of the World Health Organization Multicountry Study on Gender, Sexuality, and Vaginal Practices. Women aged 18 to 60 years old were interviewed to determine prevalence and motivations for vaginal practices. A large range of frequently used practices was identified. Nearly 80% of women reported three or more current practices, and virtually all had used at least three practices in their lifetime. Elongation of the vaginal labia minora was universal (99% of women), while a quarter stated they had made small vaginal cuts or incisions at least once. Ninety-two percent of women also reported ever use of intravaginal cleansing, and insertion of substances in the vagina was practiced by 72%. Around half (48%) reported ingestion of substances to affect the vagina, mostly to heat, tighten, or loosen the vagina. Application of substances on the genitalia (16%) and steaming (15%) were less popular. To prepare for sexual intercourse, women reported products were commonly applied, ingested, inserted, or steamed. Pregnancy, delivery, and postpartum were also associated with ingestion (26%), steaming (39%), and cutting (32%). Adoption of microbicides and condom use may be influenced by vaginal practices. HIV-prevention messages and interventions, including future microbicides, need to take into account the high prevalence of vaginal practices and motivations for their use. Further attention needs to be given to potentially harmful practices in HIV-prevention efforts in Mozambique.     

Determinants of Vaginal Cleansing,Application, and Insertion in Tete Province,Mozambique, and Products Used

Objective: In this article, we review insertion, application, and cleansing as they include the use of products other than water and have a number of harmful effects. Method: In 2007, a household survey of 919 women carried out in Tete Province, Mozambique, examined 8 vaginal practices. Results: Overall, 10% of the sexually active women reported regularly using these 3 vaginal practices concurrently. Of the women who practiced insertion, 65% used natural substances. A wider variety of products was used for applying substances on the external genitalia and for cleansing purposes. Conclusions: These findings have important implications for future HIV prevention, including in the use of microbicides.     

A longitudinal qualitative evaluation of an economic and social empowerment intervention to reduce girls’ vulnerability to HIV in rural Mozambique

PurposeAn intervention including business training and health education was implemented in Mozambique, where girls are at elevated risk for acquiring HIV. As part of a mixed-methods evaluation, we describe perceived effects of the intervention on girls’ sexual behavior and school attendance.MethodsWe conducted 49 in-depth interviews (IDIs) with girl intervention participants (ages 13–19), 24 IDIs with heads of girls’ households, 36 IDIs with influential males identified by girls, and 12 focus group discussions with community members after the intervention ended and one year later.ResultsInformants said the primary intervention benefit was realized when girls had money to stay in or return to school and/or to buy necessities for themselves and their households—reducing their need for transactional or intergenerational sex. However, some girls did not make a profit and some businesses were not sustainable. Sometimes the intervention appeared to be implemented in a way to reinforce inequitable gender norms resulting in some girls feeling shame when they reengaged in risky sex after their businesses failed.ConclusionsEarning money enabled girls to potentially reduce their vulnerability to HIV. We offer recommendations for future multi-sector interventions, including the need to address potential harms in programs serving vulnerable girls.     

Barriers to girls' education in Mozambique at household and community levels: an exploratory study

Although education of children is universally accepted as a leading mechanism of poverty eradication and social development, many developing nations continue to struggle in achieving gender parity in primary and secondary education. While Mozambique has recently accelerated its efforts to reduce this gap, girls are still enrolled and attending school at a much lower rate than boys. The present study explored the barriers to children's – especially girls' – education in central Mozambique, based on information on 738 children in two separate communities. Household, child, environmental, and social/cultural factors are examined in the context of global and regional data. The study found girls to be impacted more negatively by every correlating factor, including the lingering practice, in rural areas, of early marriage. Policy and research implications are discussed.     

South‐South civil society partnerships: renewed ties of political contention and policy building

This article sheds light on the new sites of contestation of global capitalism and international geopolitics created by transnational ties between Brazilian and Mozambican social movements. With a special focus on the rural sector and land issues, the article examines how the internationalization of Brazil's public policies and companies set the context and opened opportunity to the rise of South‐South advocacy networks and the setting up of renewed spaces of political dialogue. Building on the politics of mobilization, it identifies two major coalitions reflecting Brazil's domestic struggles and analyzes their different mobilization strategies and objectives influencing political outcomes.