Substrate reinforcement and dialectal differences in Melanesian Pidgin

Stabilization of a new contact language involves a process of levelling, or the reduction of variants. One of the factors influencing which grammatical variants are retained in the process is substrate reinforcement – the existence in the substrate languages of a congruent structure with a similar function. This article illustrates substrate reinforcement in the development of the three current dialects of Melanesian Pidgin. First, evidence of earlier variability is presented and the sociolinguistic conditions that later led to greater stability are described. Second, five grammatical features that differentiate the dialects are examined. For each feature, it is shown first that at least two variants were previously in use. Then evidence is presented illustrating correspondence between the particular variant retained in the dialect and a feature of the substrate languages of that geographic area. Differing substrates reinforced different variants, and this accounts for these dialectal differences.     

基于PC-E500机的水准测量野外电子记录软件的开发

详细介绍了利用SHARPPC -E5 0 0型掌上电脑开发水准测量野外电子记录软件的研制思路 ,并介绍了此软件的功能。开发出来的软件对水准测量野外工作的生产效率有很大的提高     

阳离子型有机膨润土的应用

研究了自制的阳离子型有机膨润土作油漆的乳化剂、增稠剂及作染料匀染剂的效果。     

甲基萘在涤纶染疵回修中的应用

由于聚酯纤维品种多，分散染料牌号杂，高温高压染色设备型号各异，若管理和操作不当，时常会出现染色不匀的疵布。本文采用提高温度、延长保温时间，在扩散剂的辅助下，用甲基萘对染疵织物一次性复杂，染料被甲基萘溶解下来重新在布面上分配，通过移染，能够较好地达到消除染疵的目的，较好地解决了聚酯纤维织物染色不匀的问题。     

Levelling across the life‐span?: Tracing the face vowel in panel data from the North East of England

Apparent time analysis has revealed that the Tyneside face vowel is the site of two intersecting trends: levelling towards the supra‐northern monophthong as well as the gradual incursion of the southern standard closing diphthong. This article investigates the participation of individual speakers across their life‐span in these ongoing changes in the face vowel. We report on a small‐scale panel sample of six speakers who were recorded in 1971 and again, 42 years later, in 2013. The analysis probes the stability of individual speakers’ grammars, relying on longitudinal ethnographic analysis in the community as well as insights gleaned from sociolinguistic interviews about the speakers’ socio‐demographic trajectory and their presentations of self. The article contributes to the growing body of panel research that aims to determine the scope and the limits of linguistic malleability across speakers’ life histories.     

Internal and external motivation in phonetic change: Dialect levelling outcomes for an English vowel shift

This article is a contribution to the debate about the primacy of internal versus external factors in language change ( Farrar and Jones 2002 ; Thomason and Kaufman 1988 ). Taking Labov's Principles of Vowel Shifting ( Labov 1994 ) as representing internal factors, we examine a vowel shift in Ashford, south‐east of London. F1 and F2 measurements of the short vowels suggest a classic chain shift, largely following Labov's Principles II and III (though Labov's assumption that London short front vowels are rising is shown to be wrong). However, corresponding data from Reading, west of London, evidence no signs of a chain shift. The two datasets show identical targets for the changes in each town. Thus, there has been convergence between the two short vowel systems – from different starting points. We argue that a dialect contact model is more explanatory than internal factors in this case of regional dialect levelling in the south‐east of England.     

Another chapter in the story of /r/: ‘Labiodental’ variants in British English

In this article we trace the history of [bnu;]-like variants of British English /r/. Although [bnu;] has generally been dismissed as an infantilism, or indicative of affected or disordered speech, it seems to have become established as an accent feature of non-standard south-eastern accents. We present tentative evidence to suggest this may be related to the presence of similar variants in the London East End Jewish community. After summarising previous discussions of [bnu;], we concentrate on a sociophonetic study of /r/ variants used by speakers from Derby and Newcastle. [bnu;] is found in both cities, with a higher incidence in Derby. Acoustic evidence suggests that the spreading variants are qualitatively different from [?]. We conclude that the spread of [bnu;] is part of a general and widespread process of accent levelling.     

Diffusion, levelling, simplification and reallocation in past tense BE in the English Fens

In the dialect contact framework proposed by Trudgill (1986), relatively little research has investigated the consequences of the mixing of different grammatical systems of English. The apparent time survey of the Fenland dialect of eastern England reported here provides an example of a range of dialect contact processes reconfiguring variable patterns of past tense BE, resulting in a variety with analogical levelling to was in positive contexts –' the farms was '– and to weren't in negative clauses –' the farm weren't '. In focussing this was/weren't pattern, a number of the processes typical of koine´isation can be observed – diffusion (the geographical and/or social spread of a linguistic form from another socio-geographical place), levelling (the eradication of marked or minority forms in situations of dialect competition, where the number of variants in the output is dramatically reduced from the number in the input), simplification (a relative diminution of grammatical irregularity and redundancy) and reallocation (where two (or more) ingredient variants of the dialect mix are refunctionalised to serve new social, stylistic, or, as here, grammatical roles).