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1.
“科玄论战”对中国文化哲学思潮发展的影响   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
“科玄论战”作为一个极富有象征意义的文化哲学事件 ,深刻地影响着 2 0世纪中国文化哲学思潮发展的走向。“科玄论战”中玄学派、科学派、唯物史观派所论争问题及其言说方式对 2 0世纪中国保守主义、自由主义、唯物史观诸派文化哲学的影响以及“科玄论战”中三方话语的撒播带来的 2 0世纪中国文化哲学思潮发展的内在困境及其消除的理路 ,表明对“科玄论战”的历史反思仍将对 2 1世纪中国哲学发展产生影响。  相似文献   
2.
自由主义在新的历史条件下有各种表现 ,它的危害性不可低估。自由主义得以泛滥的重要原因是党员的党性不强。因此 ,加强党性锻炼 ,提高抵御自由主义侵蚀的自觉性 ,确有必要。  相似文献   
3.
The state has a twofold relationship to gender change in society, through its overall steering capacity and through the gendered character of its constituent agencies. It is therefore important to understand the experience of gender change in state organizations. The findings from a study of gender relations in ten public‐sector worksites in New South Wales, Australia are presented. There is a widespread consciousness of gender change linked with new labour processes, restructuring and new patterns of management. These changes are uneven and limits to change are visible. Gender is recognized as an organizational problem in specific circumstances, most visibly where men’s resistance to change appears. A number of mechanisms limit the consciousness of gender as a problem. Several trends, including the current strength of neo‐liberalism, converge to make the gender‐neutral workplace the principal goal of gender reform in the public‐sector workplace. This, however, limits the state’s steering capacity in regard to societal gender relations.  相似文献   
4.
罗蒂:自由主义和社群主义——罗蒂政治哲学批判之一   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
20世纪80年代以来,关于政治哲学的讨论成为西方哲学的焦点.在这场影响深远的政治哲学讨论中,主要争议发生于自由主义与社群主义之间.罗蒂的政治哲学包含着两种成分,一种是后现代主义,一种是自由主义.罗蒂政治哲学中的两种成分之间存在着内在张力,而这种张力使他与自由主义和社群主义的关系都变得复杂.  相似文献   
5.
The implications of the 2011 Scottish election and the proposed referendum on Scottish independence for the future of social policy across the devolved UK are profound but far from certain. It is crucial to understand not only the historical nature of this conjuncture but to develop an adequate conceptual understanding of the place of social policy in the dialectic between state and nation in Scotland. To this end, we critically examine theories that depict Scotland as an essentially ‘stateless nation’ in the light of recent developments. In so doing, we examine the implications for social policy of the changing character of statehood in Scotland, the nature of civil nationalism, and the problem of legitimacy in Scotland for the UK as a multinational state. As the architecture of statehood is re‐negotiated, strong centrifugal pressures are being created for a more distinct divergence of social policy in Scotland from the rest of the UK regardless of the outcome of the independence referendum. Policy‐making is ensnared in a series of tensions, not just between Westminster and Holyrood but also, more broadly, tensions between competing principles of social justice and territorial justice, and competing demands between welfare nationalism and competitive nationalism.  相似文献   
6.
This article analyzes the tension between the liberal ideals of freedom and equality and cultural difference. It argues that decency has become intertwined with the fragility of the liberal international order by providing a problematic threshold of international justice. The idea is that as global pressures mount for protecting the human dignity of persons/peoples, they also congeal or harden decency’s political and social constraints (impartiality, neutrality, and basic rights enforcement) on engaging others. Decency as a moral threshold of international justice, the article claims, has become static or a self-reinforcing limitation. This contradictory decency/dignity dynamic of the liberal international order not only explains how states have aggressively asserted their interests by absorbing these constraints, but also how politics can limit the pragmatic potential to bridge the various social gaps in values and belief systems. This article seeks to conceptualize a pluralist ethos that shows how such constraints can be reimagined as, or turned into, the conditions of possibility/freedom that transition us to a global pluralist politics. It concludes with a discussion of the refugee crisis and Islamism, showing how both cases resonate the felt stigmatization and alienation within the liberal international order.  相似文献   
7.
Research from the Economic and Social Research Council programme on Pathways Into and Out of Crime prioritised young people’s ‘voices’ in exploring experiences of crime and a range of intervention services. Drawing on data from interviews with 110 young people, this paper explores their perspectives of professional assessment. Embedded within neo‐liberal youth welfare policies are a number of contradictions. Policies encourage ‘individualisation’, ‘responsiblisation’ and ‘self‐realisation’ while also needing to maintain control and regulation of ‘risky’ populations. This paper explores the implication of these contradictions through examining the experiences of young people being assessed in youth justice and education. The impact on their identities as neo‐liberal citizens is discussed in the conclusion.  相似文献   
8.
The increasingly multicultural fabric of Western liberal democracies has given rise to the issue of the presence of Muslim minorities in the West, as rising hatred and hostility toward Islam and Muslims in the West undermine the three guiding principles of freedom, equality and dignity that underpin the foundation of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism. Today, Muslims in the West struggle for freedom, equality and dignity to ensure their ethnocultural survival and full and equal participation within the mainstream society. Therefore, it would be quite correct to say that the endurance of liberal democracy, human rights and multiculturalism built on the Western civilization depends on the eradication of Western Islamophobia.  相似文献   
9.
徐勇 《学术月刊》2012,(4):5-18
长期以来,在西方话语体系中,包括中国在内的东方社会被奴役性、停滞性的"东方专制主义"所定格。然而,改革开放以来的中国崛起的事实,不断挑战这一"千古传奇"和"历史定论"。中国的发展和崛起,并不是源自西方自由主义的进入,而是源自长期被思想界所遮蔽的东方自由主义传统。从主体看,东方中国的自由主义是农民自由主义,核心要素是自由农民的自主性和积极性。这种在自由小农经济基础上产生的农民自由主义作为一种日常生活状态,潜藏于经济社会生活之中,创造了世界无与伦比的农业文明;同时,它也受到专制政体的压制。中国的改革开放起源于对中国数千年以自主性和积极性为核心的农民自由主义传统的尊重,同时又极大地释放了被压抑的自主性和积极性,由此促成了中国的崛起。而在这一过程中,中国特色社会主义制度大大提升了东方自由主义传统,形成具有中国特色的自由体系。  相似文献   
10.
杨萌 《学术界》2012,(6):214-224,289
法益概念在德国刑法学中有着独特的重要地位.一方面,理论界尽管对其内涵和功能理解不一、聚讼纷纭,但主流观点一直肯定,刑法的任务是保护法益,以法益为基础的犯罪的实质概念能够限制刑事立法.而另一方面,德国刑事立法和司法界对于法益概念的批判立法功能一直心存怀疑.法益论的发展历史和最新发展告诉我们,法益理论的历史精神体现在它对自由主义的坚守,是不屈从于国家权威和国家家长主义的独立判断和坚持.合比例原则与自治原则是对法益理论的有益补充.  相似文献   
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