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布洛赫的《乌托邦精神》具体体现了马克思主义的革命实践与弥赛亚救赎的结合,它既是积极的行动主义,又是革命的灵知。这种带有宗教色彩的革命实践选择了康德为出发点,将康德的实践理性转换成总体性视域,开辟了从自我到我们的内在之路。革命与救赎的结合,不仅拓展了革命实践的范围,也丰富了马克思主义对宗教的理解。  相似文献   
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In Specters of Marx, Jacques Derrida argues that the category of hauntology should replace the canonical understanding of ontology. By invoking the trope of the ghost, hauntology helps to demonstrate how there still lingers in the absence of a thing, a spectral element that is more real than its corporeal counterpart. Thus, the ontological category of time is replaced by deconstruction with an anticipatory temporality abstracted from the transcultural messianisms of planet Earth, which is called messianicity. By framing this analysis through the epochal deployment of what Derrida coins as globalatinisation, I will argue that the concept of messianicity can be applied to a specific mode of subjective production, subjectivation, to help demonstrate the failings of not only the event of revelation (Offenbarung), but also, by pushing towards its paroxysm in an hauntological spirit, the so-called originarity of revealability (Offenbarkeit) – its still entanglement in the politics of light. Going beyond Derrida here, what this amounts to is a certain ‘hauntology of revealability’ whereby the arrivant, the First, is accepted under the umbrella of the messianic pledge of faith just to have itself doubled by a darker power that has never had to haunt itself into its eschatological or teleological throne.  相似文献   
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阿斯塔菲耶夫是苏联当代著名作家。其作品中蕴含着深刻的东正教思想,其中最突出的就是末世与救赎思想。其创作题材颇为广泛,涉及到引发全球危机的生态、战争和道德问题。面对人类的末日境遇,作家在努力寻求基督教的弥赛亚来进行救赎。他指出,人类若想得到拯救,必须通过爱的途径,实现理性的复归和道德的自我完善。因为爱是上帝体现在人身上的最明显的属性,是使人类绝处逢生的希望所在。  相似文献   
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宗教神秘主义与犹太弥赛亚信仰探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
弥赛亚信仰最初并不占据犹太教的中心位置 ,犹太神秘主义对其发展亦无实质性影响。 1 6世纪始 ,卢里亚喀巴拉、萨巴泰运动及近现代哈西德运动以宗教神秘主义特有的悖论方式使之凸现并最终融入民族精神之中  相似文献   
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This article seeks to determine which role Jacques Derrida’s notion of messianicity without messianism (1993) plays within the contemporary discussion of the value of the messianic tradition for political theory. My point of departure is the belief that Benjamin’s, Taubes’, and Badiou’s antinomic approaches to the issue of justice oversimplify some aspects of law. Is there a real need to abrogate the law? I also claim that even Scholem, Rosenzweig, and Lévinas, who believe that a certain law, namely divine law, serves to overcome natural law, fail to provide a consistent account of the interaction between law and justice. This paper is an attempt to demonstrate, firstly, that a messianic narrative that develops a way to achieve justice without needing to turn to transcendence can be found in Agamben and Derrida. And secondly, that they also provide the most complete understanding of the law. They base their arguments on a subtle distinction between the laws in force – which in their messianic narratives must be surpassed – and the force of law, a force that keeps its validity but is not translated into concrete laws [Geltung ohne Bedeutung]. Yet while Agamben considers that even the force of law must be overcome in order for justice to arrive, Derrida says it constitutes the most redemptive stage to which we can aspire. I compare their messianic narratives and claim that Derrida seems to offer a more substantial strategy – not completely exempt from problems, though.  相似文献   
6.
The role of the Internet is becoming increasingly significant with regard to political participation and mobilisation. The Internet is a powerful tool in gathering coalitions and organising mobilisation of any kind. However, it is also transforming political styles, forms and the organisational structuring of political activities. In this article, the authors analyse the nature of the political struggle and resistance taking place on the Internet by scrutinising the Finnish Internet protest campaigning against gossip journalism in May 2006. This campaign emerged almost entirely in the Internet environment around the emotional turmoil caused by the publications of the Eurovision Song Contest winner Lordi’s unmasked pictures. This example shows how citizens have adopted the logic of computer‐mediated communication, and how they employ information and communications technology for reflexive individualised politics.  相似文献   
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