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保安族在50年代被正式识别为一个民族,对其族源曾有多种观点。但是在建国50年后,保安族的历史和族源观被再次重构,这个过程既反映了现实民族关系对历史书写的映射,也反映了民族精英在历史重构中的能动性。对保安族的这个实例的分析可以帮助我们更深刻地认识现实社会因素能够如何影响民族历史的构建,这个案例所反映出来的族群历史建构模式对于研究我国的"民族历史建构和族群群体的认同结构也颇具启发意义。  相似文献   
2.
In downtown Chengdu a pocket of Tibetan culture has sprung up: a Tibetan market where Tibetans and Han Chinese meet to buy and sell ethnic minority products. Pointing to how Tibetan migration to Chengdu has contributed to the growth of a vibrant ‘minzu market’ attracting Tibetan and Han Chinese merchants, customers, Buddhist devotees, and voyeurs, this article presents novel understandings of the ethnic goods market in urban Chengdu. The article first explores the growth of the market, which is the result of a history of political and economic reforms, increased mobility, and religious revival. Second, it maps the market infrastructure according to the ethnicity of the shopkeepers and the commodities that are traded. Although there is still a clear ethnic division in the market, this article also documents the emergence of Han Chinese market participation in forms of trade that have historically been dominated by Tibetans.  相似文献   
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This article turns three different analytical mirrors onto the Xinhai Revolution – 1911, 1961, 2011 – in order to interrogate its evolving significance in the minds of China's Han ethnic and ruling elite. In particular, it seeks to demonstrates the discursive appropriation of the Qing nomadic frontier in the ways in which the 1911 Revolution is remembered and commemorated, exploring both the temporal and spatial dimensions of this appropriation, and how the revolution shifted from a bloody Han racial insurrection against Manchu power and privilege to a heroic celebration of the revival of a multiethnic Chinese nation-state in the face of foreign imperialism and oppression.  相似文献   
4.
Ethnic group(族群)、Nation(民族)与中国的民族   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文从族群与民族概念的争论入手,揭示族群概念的引入是关于中国民族研究的深入。指出以族群替代民族是不能有效解决中国的民族问题的。由于中文"民族"一词已为民众所熟悉并在实际中不致引起误解,族群与民族可以在不同的层次上运用。  相似文献   
5.
以云南地区的多元和多样性表现为例探讨现代中国多民族国家的策略和历史境遇。通过梳理中国历史上民族国家策略的历史进程,发现中国近现代历史中国民党和共产党在民族国家策略上的差异,以及现代中国“民族”识别的出现,是中国深远的历史情境中的一个必然结果,亦是中国共产党建立现代国家与各民族达成共识的基本路径。  相似文献   
6.
李春华  陈蜀西 《民族学刊》2022,13(10):38-43, 133
民族高校博物馆是铸牢中华民族共同体意识的重要基地,在铸牢各族师生中华民族共同体意识方面有着不可替代的作用。民族高校博物馆丰富的馆藏资源是体现中华民族共同体意识的优秀载体;民族高校博物馆的科学研究功能可以助力中华民族共同体意识的研究;民族高校博物馆的陈列展览可以让束之高阁的科学研究转化为普及化的知识体系,成为展示中华民族多元一体格局的重要窗口;民族高校博物馆还可以通过博物馆的宣传教育,让更多的观众加深对中华民族共同体的理论认知。在新的历史时期,民族高校博物馆应充分发挥独特优势,在文化育人实践活动中、在举办展览传承优秀传统文化实践活动中多措并举铸牢广大师生的中华民族共同体意识。  相似文献   
7.
杨敏  陈雪龄 《民族学刊》2022,13(12):70-77, 153
铸牢中华民族共同体意识,加强中华民族共同体建设,是中华民族先锋队的神圣使命,是民族高校的责任担当,民族高校铸牢中华民族共同体意识教育成效如何至关重要。运用李克特量表设置问卷进行调查,以SPSS25.0软件予以分析,结合描述性统计、探索性因子分析和多元线性回归分析,得到影响铸牢中华民族共同体意识教育满意度的因素。结论显示,学生对学校铸牢中华民族共同体意识教育满意度总体趋于良好,但不同年级、政治面貌、专业门类在不同的指标上呈现显著差异,教学资源投入、校园文化建设等相关指标显著影响教育满意度。因此要加大教学资源优化整合,拓展第二课堂活动,构建“三全育人”大思政格局,共同提高学校教育成效、提升学生教育满意度。  相似文献   
8.
This article proposes a new understanding of the Ethnic Classification project (minzu shibie) undertaken in China's southwesternmost province of Yunnan in 1954 – a project in which social scientists and Communist Party cadres set out to determine which of the dozens, if not hundreds, of minority communities in the province would be officially recognized by the state. Specifically, this article argues that ethnologists and linguists played a far greater role in the Classification and early Chinese Communist governmentality than is typically assumed. The Chinese Communists did not teach themselves how to ‘see like a state,’ to use James Scott's formulation, at least not when it came to the fundamentally important problem of ethnic categorization. To the contrary, the history of the Classification project is one of an inexperienced Chinese state that was able to orient itself only by observing the world through the eyes of its social scientific advisors. The ‘mentality’ within early Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ‘governmentality’ was, in the case of the 1954 Ethnic Classification, in large part the mentality of the comparative social sciences.  相似文献   
9.
The Chinese Communist Party ( CCP ) launched a nationwide census and voter registration campaign in the summer of 1953 .After debating which questions should be posed to their nearly six hundred million respondents , officials ultimately decided upon only five .The first four of these involved the most basic of demographic infor-mation, including name , age, gender , and rela-tionship to the head of one ' s household .The fifth one was settled upon a question:that of nationality or minzu.The outcome of the census proved shock-ing to Communist authorities and ultimately precip-itated the Ethnic Classification Project . Why the Communists wished to include minzu on the census schedule? The author argues that there were three reasons .The first reason is the deeply historical problem of maintaining the territo-rial integrity of a highly diverse empire .The sec-ond problem is more proximate , and originates in the ongoing rivalry between the Communists and the Nationalists during the first half of the twentieth century.Third, with regards to categorization , the advent of the Classification is attributable to a po-litical crisis prompted by the failure of the state ' s initial experiment with a highly noninterventionist policy of self-categorization . To understand each of these questions , the author brings the readers to explore the history of the term minzu itself, and suggests that the very in-clusion of minzu in the 1953-54 census schedule was itself the culmination of a complex history dat-ing back to the fall of the Qing dynasty ( 1644 -1911 ) and the formation of the first Chinese repub-lic.  相似文献   
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