网上的西欧政党

20世纪90年代以后，互联网在全球迅速普及，对西欧政党产生了重要的影响。为适应自身发展的需要，获得更多选民的支持，西欧各国政党纷纷上网。他们竞相在网上开展各项活动。主要包括提供信息、网上竞选、政治参与和组织建设，并取得了一定的成效。但是，受到数字鸿沟、政党实力、政党利益、党员和选民态度的影响，西欧政党的网上潜能没有得到充分地发挥，政党的网上效力有待于进一步提高。     

强国富民:中国民主党派政治选择的价值取向

20世纪40年代中国民主党派选择与中国共产党合作,共同推翻蒋介石国民党政权的统治。中国民主党派的这一政治选择不仅原于国民党的独裁统治、中国共产党的统一战线政策、中国民主党派自身的先进性等政治层面的因素,更蕴涵着价值取向层面的因素——对强国富民这一理想的不懈追求。对这一历史问题的探讨,不仅对中国民主党派史的研究具有学术价值,而且对今天的执政党——中国共产党有着重要的历史启示。     

‘We fight for all living things’: countering misconceptions about the radical animal liberation movement

This qualitative content analysis of online documents compiled from the North American Animal Liberation Front (ALF), Earth Liberation Kollective (ELK) and Grassroots Ontario Animal Liberation (GOAL) network websites and Facebook pages explores how activism within the Radical Animal Liberation Movement (RALM) intersects with other social movements. While most literature to date traces the RALM’s (dis)junctures with other forms of social justice activism through analyses of their broad ideological assumptions, or the views of renowned RALM scholars, this research provides authentic insights into the voices of Canadian, American and Mexican activists as they are represented in documents they author themselves. Like activists in anarchistic, anti-capitalist, immigrant rights, Indigenous, prison abolition, prisoner support and radical feminist movements, those in the RALM critique capitalism, colonialism, hierarchy, racism, sexism, state power and the prison industrial complex. Our research calls into question the existing narratives that depict the RALM as an extremist, single-issue movement oblivious to all other forms of social inequality, injustice, marginalization and oppression. Rather, RALM activists are building alliances with other radical social movements to achieve the common goal of ending both human and animal suffering and exploitation.     

Friends or foes? Migrants and sub-state nationalists in Europe

ABSTRACT

How do sub-state nationalists respond to the growing presence of cultural diversity in their ‘homelands’ resulting from migration? Sub-state nationalists in Europe, in ‘nations without states’ such as Catalonia and Scotland, have been challenging the traditional nation-state model for many decades. While the arguments in favour of autonomy or independence levelled by these movements have become more complex, sub-state nationalist movements remain grounded by their perceived national community that is distinct from the majority nation. Migration to the ‘homeland’ of a sub-state nation, then, presents a conundrum for sub-state elites that we label the ‘legitimation paradox’: too much internal diversity may undermine the claim to cultural distinctiveness. We engage with three common intervening variables thought to influence how sub-state nationalists confront the ‘legitimation paradox’: civic/ethnic nationalism, degree of political autonomy, and party competition. Our overarching argument is that none of these factors have a unidirectional or determinate effect on the sub-state nationalism-immigration nexus, which is why the nuanced case studies that comprise this Special Issue are worthwhile endeavours.     

和谐社会视域中的政党关系研究

当代中国独具特色的政党关系是社会主义政治文明发展的重大成果,创造了世界政党制度发展历史上的崭新模式。构建社会主义和谐社会,首先需要政党关系的和谐。实现政党关系的和谐,需要强化和谐的政治理念,处理好坚持执政党的领导与发扬社会主义民主的关系,以及执政党建设与参政党建设的相互促进。     

Toward a Viable Progressive Third Party in 2020 and Beyond1

Creating a strong, influential third party has been an abiding aspiration on the American left, and were this goal to be achieved, it could be a great boon to subordinate groups in the United States. Yet widespread doubts persist, even among progressives that this is desirable, and especially that it is possible. Here, I briefly review compelling reasons for thinking otherwise; I then consider in some depth the potential for starting to build a viable left third party leading up to and after the pivotal 2020 election. In doing so, I go beyond the existing literature on third parties, which has yet to reflect systematically on progressive third party prospects in this period. Specifically, I assess how the emerging political environment may shape left third-party building, and I evaluate ongoing and developing attempts by key groups engaged in that effort. I find a distinct tension between conditions encouraging progressives to reform versus abandon the Democratic Party, and I identify one alternative party-building tendency that seems most able to exploit the latter impulse due to its already established electoral viability. Last, I highlight relevant questions that remain for activists hoping to create an effective national left third party.     

The Promethean role of Europe: changing narratives of the political and scholarly left

ABSTRACT

The gradual abandoning of the ‘socialism in one country’ doctrine during the post-war period and the intensive transformation of European social democracy in the 1990s pushed social democratic politicians and intellectuals into the front line of advocates of a unified and powerful Europe. They contributed to the inclusion of social democratic and environmentalist values in the EU’s official narrative. The success of European integration and George W. Bush’s presidency created the narrative of the Promethean role of Europe. Scholars with a social democratic or environmentalist background created this narrative and it was also shaped by authors’ national contexts.     

西欧主要政党干部的培养与选拔探析

一个政党能不能不断培养和推出大批优秀的领导人才,在很大程度上影响着该党的政治能力。西欧政党在对干部的物色与发掘、提名与选举、监督与管理、干部的教育与培训等环节都形成了自己的突出特点,其干部培养选拔体现了突出的“选举导向”,干部选拔过程突出了公开性与竞争性原则,干部来源体现了一定的开放性与多元性,干部角色遵循了“非兼职”原则,保持了专业化、职业化。     

马克思主义政党思想理论建设的基本经验及其创新

注重从思想上建党是马克思主义政党特有的优势和宝贵传统。坚持马克思主义的指导地位,用马克思主义的创新成果来武装全党、教育人民,是我们党始终保持先进性、不断推进事业发展、胜利完成历史使命的一个决定性因素。“三个代表”重要思想,实现了党在指导思想上的与时俱进,这就从理论上保证了我们党的先进性。在新世纪新阶段,加强党的思想理论建设必须进一步用科学发展观武装全党。     

Articulations of populism: the Nordic case

Populism as a concept is elusive and has been connected to very different political movements. Generally, populism’s connotations are rather negative and the term is often used pejoratively in the academic field as well. However, Ernesto Laclau has approached populism by arguing that populist reason is a manifestation of political logic in which group identification – formed through various signifiers such as ‘the people’, which are articulated as part of an ‘equivalence chain’ – eventually establishes political agency as a totality. This paper uses Laclau’s articulation theory to analyse the public construction of contemporary populism in the Nordic countries of Sweden, Finland, Norway and Denmark. The analysis demonstrates that mainstream media frame populism rather negatively, although examples of the term’s positive identification with ‘the people’ are available, especially in the tabloid media. Thus, the positive identification behind the forming of populist movements clashes with the media discourse that prioritizes established journalistic views, practices and sources, making populism a ‘floating signifier’, that is, a concept that has several meanings which are contested in various public discourses. A general pattern in the construction of populism in Northern European multi-party democracies can be discerned, thus identifying the central role of nationalist and nativist identifications in contingent populist articulations. However, the differences between the Nordic countries emphasize a context-driven approach.