Showing humanity: violence and visuality in Kashmir

ABSTRACT

This paper examines the burst of visual production that emerged from and around Indian-occupied Kashmir in July 2016, when the Indian paramilitary and police began to implement for the first time a tactic of mass blinding as a way of quelling surging protests against the Indian state. I consider a selection of visual texts that intervene in the optical regime undergirding the Indian occupation, one that has arguably elicited Indian support in part via a systematic erasure of the humanity of Kashmiris who favour self-determination (or ‘azadi’). In the face of this optical regime, I examine the visual and narrative tactics through which pro-azadi Kashmiris stake claims to humanity – by putting wounded Kashmiri bodies on spectacular display, graphically foregrounding Kashmiri bodily vulnerability in acts of public grieving, and seeking to interpellate a global political community through an appeal to a shared humanity. As these urgent claims to a larger human community are voiced, this paper asks what it means for Kashmiris to take on the burden of ‘performing humanity’ in these ways, especially given the explicit cautions in visual studies and human rights scholarship around spectacular exhibitions of vulnerability. Rather than assume that showcasing vulnerability can never incite transformation, I closely examine the possibilities of particular visual forms—photojournalism and digital activism—in relaying vulnerability and attempting to claim and recraft humanity.     

On deaf ears: anti-black police terror,multiracial protest and white loyalty to the state

In this essay, we explore the racialised dimensions of policing practices in Brazil. To do so, we look not at the police, their administrative organisation, and practices, but rather we examine the modes of sociality reflected in and produced by police violence. Drawing from a statistics-based analysis of the social and political outcomes produced by the state in its preparation of mega-sports events – evictions, incarceration, and police violence, for example – we identify a nexus between, on the one hand, racialised violence against black bodies and, on the other hand, white loyalty to the state, despite, or precisely because of, a specific type of violence perpetrated by the state on white bodies. Our primary contention is that we cannot understand white victimisation by the police – and the outrage it produces – without taking into consideration two foundational, dialectical aspects of the regime of rights: complicity and disavowal. White vulnerability to this specific form of state violence – a form of violence that is contingent and produces collective horror – reflects not only the disavowal of black suffering, but also the strengthening of the white public sphere.     

From democratic participation to civic resistance: the loss of institutional trust as an outcome of activism in the refugee solidarity movement

Adding to the literature on non‐institutional political action and trust, this article argues that the loss of institutional trust is not only a cause but also an outcome of political activism. Studying the Danish refugee solidarity movement in a mixed‐methods research design including survey and qualitative interview data, the article shows that three kinds of activism – political activism, humanitarian activity, and civil disobedience – relate differently to the loss of trust in the institutions of the Parliament, the legal system, and the police. Political activism primarily affects a loss of trust in the Parliament due to low external efficacy and a closed political opportunity structure. Civil disobedience affects a loss of trust in the legal system and the police due to a perceived lack of procedural justice. Humanitarian activity does not affect a loss of institutional trust because it does not imply interaction with the institutions to the same extent as the other kinds of activism. The consequence of losing trust in the political institutions is not an abandonment of democratic values, nor political apathy, but rather a change in civic engagement from a mode of democratically legitimizing participation in the institutions to a mode of contending and questioning the legitimacy of the political institutions. This finding indicates that in turn loss of institutional trust may cause an increase in extra‐institutional political action which is consistent with the commonly assumed causality in the literature. This leads to a final integrating argument for conceptualizing activism and loss of institutional trust as reinforcing factors in a process where, in line with the main finding of this study, activism may cause a loss of institutional trust which, in turn, may cause additional activism, as argued in the existing literature.     

Coalition-building and the forging of solidarity across difference and inequality

Diverse coalitions hold great potential for social movements, but they also face tremendous challenges. In this article, I review the literature on diverse alliances with a focus on how trust, commitment, and ultimately, solidarity can be developed and sustained across divides. The article begins by discussing the needs of diverse alliances to build trust and commitment, and the coalitional characteristics deemed vital for doing so, with a focus on shared neutral space, ongoing interaction, and social ties and bridgebuilders. Five coalitional processes and practices are identified and discussed that have been empirically found or theorized to be imperative for cultivating solidarity across difference and inequality. These processes include (a) uniting around shared principles while engaging difference; (b) acknowledging and managing inequalities; (c) making space for each other; (d) attention to managing conflicts; and (e) actions that confirm the shared commitments and negotiated identity. I conclude by evaluating the state of research on developing and sustaining alliances across divides.     

Creating the thin blue line: Social network evolution within a police academy

Whenever major schisms between police and communities come to public attention, there are always passionate calls for an increased emphasis on - and improvement of - police training. This rhetoric is so common that police leaders joke that there is no societal problem so big that it can’t be fixed by better police training. Still, professional socialization in law enforcement remains an important topic with a great deal of resources being devoted to developing initiatives and augmenting existing curricula. This training comes in many forms including learning the nuts and bolts of many legal processes and acquiring the practical skills for law enforcement. However, beyond this, there is a socialization process with multiple facets including the development of solidarity and trust among a cohort of recruits. We attempt to understand the basic mechanisms of network creation in police academies as the foundation of the socialization processes within them. By focusing on these network mechanisms underlying the establishment of the ‘Thin Blue Line’, we offer an understanding of the underlying social processes foundational for the transmission of police culture. In short, we think the recruit network structure functions as a vehicle for cultural transmission within police academies.     

Revolutionary Humor

In this short narrative, an Egyptian writer living in Canada follows Egypt's 2011 revolution from afar. Being away from home, seeking the spirit of resistance not captured by factual reporting from traditional television news organizations, she takes solace in Tahrir Square protestors' sense of humor as circulated through new Internet social media. This humor, expressed in jokes, chants, graffiti, songs, and images, presents a new sense of community and solidarity, providing a means of connecting with the undefeated spirit behind unfolding events.

En esta corta narrativa, una escritora egipcia que vive en Canadá, sigue de lejos la revolución de Egipto de 2011. Estando fuera de casa y buscando el espíritu de resistencia no capturado mediante reportajes basados en los hechos por organizaciones tradicionales de noticias de televisión, toma consuelo en el sentido de humor de los manifestantes de la plaza de Tahrir cuando circulaba a través de los nuevos medios sociales de Internet. Este humor expresado en chistes, cantos, grafitos, cantos e imágenes, presenta un nuevo sentido de comunidad y solidaridad, suministrando una forma de conexión con el espíritu invicto detrás de los eventos desarrollados.

本文简述了一个生活在加拿大的埃及作家在远方对2011年埃及革命的关切。远离家乡并寻找着未被传统电视新闻机构的实况报道捕捉到的反抗精神,通过新网络社会媒体的传送,她从解放广场抗议者们的幽默感中得到了安慰。这种以玩笑、儿歌、涂鸦、歌曲以及绘画表达的幽默,代表了一种新的社群意识和团结意识,提供了一种与正在发生的事件背后永不言败的精神相连的方式。     

Credulity rather than general trust may increase vulnerability to fraud in older adults: a moderated mediation model

The present study aimed to clarify whether it is credulity or general trust that specifically affects vulnerability to fraud, as well as investigating the mediating role of susceptibility to persuasion and the moderating role of greed in this relationship. 254 Chinese older adults completed measures of credulity, general trust, susceptibility to persuasion, greed, and vulnerability to fraud. The results showed that credulity, but not general trust, was positively correlated with vulnerability to fraud, after controlling for demographic covariates. Susceptibility to persuasion partially mediated the effect of credulity on vulnerability to fraud. In addition, this mediating effect of susceptibility to persuasion was only significant in older adults with higher levels of greed. Our findings suggest that credulity, rather than general trust, is a risk factor in vulnerability to fraud among older adults, and may inform the development of supportive interventions to reduce this population’s risk of falling victim to fraud.     

Contesting middle-class civility: place-based collective identity in Hong Kong’s Occupy Mongkok

The global wave of popular protests since 2011 has highlighted the importance of place to contentious politics. Focusing on Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement, this article analyzes how place, when dramatized by the practice of protest camping, shapes collective identity formation and contestation. By examining the Mongkok protest camp, I argue that the symbolic meanings being attributed to the place have shaped a collective identity distinctive from other local protests. This place-based collective identity was constituted by two dimensions: a tactical dimension that advocated militant actions against the police and counter-protesters; and an associational dimension that sought to identify with the grassroots in political activism. While its formation helped to galvanize protesters’ solidarity at the early stage of the movement, the two dimensions gradually generated intensive conflicts, which eventually weakened solidarity and the movement claims.     

Marital Power,Roles, and Solidarity and Husbands' and Wives' Appraisals of Self and Other*

The purpose of this study was to investigate conditions underlying the social self process within marital relationships. Two hypotheses were tested in a mail questionnaire survey of 165 couples: 1) Mead and Cooley's hypothesis that self-appraisal is positively associated with other's view of self, and 2) an extension of this hypothesis suggesting that the association between self-appraisal and spouse's appraisal is greater, and the appraisals are more favorable, when marital power is shared, household role responsibilities are shared, and marital solidarity is high. The first hypothesis was supported: self-appraisal was significantly correlated with other's view of self. The second hypothesis was strongly supported for solidarity: the greater the couple's solidarity, the more favorable and the more similar were self-appraisal and other's appraisal of self. Only partial support was found for a positive association of shared marital power and roles with appraisals of self and other.     

Status and distrust: The relevance of inequality and betrayal aversion

Trust involves a willingness to accept vulnerability, comprised of the risk of being worse off than by not trusting, the risk of being worse off than the trusted party (disadvantageous inequality), and the risk of being betrayed by the trusted party. We examine how people’s status, focusing on sex, race, age and religion, affects their willingness to accept these three risks. We experimentally measure people’s willingness to accept risk in a decision problem, a risky dictator game, and a trust game, and compare responses across games. Groups typically considered having lower status in the US – women, minorities, young adults and non-Protestants – are averse to disadvantageous inequality while higher status groups – men, Caucasians, middle-aged people and Protestants – dislike being betrayed.     

An African Reflection on Tahrir Square

This essay understands the significance of Tahrir Square as a radical shift both n the way of doing politics, from armed struggle to popular struggle, and in the definition of political identity, from religious to territorial. It seeks to understand the historical significance of the shift by placing it in the context of technologies of colonial rule (both the Ottoman millet system and British indirect rule) and post-colonial attempts to rethink and reform this mode of rule. The result is a historical reflection that begins with Steve Biko and the Soweto Uprising in 1976, Mahmoud Mohamed Taha and John Garang in post-colonial Sudan, and closes with Sayyid Qutb and the significance of Tahrir Square.

Este ensayo entiende el significado de la plaza Tahrir como un cambio radical, tanto en la forma como se hace política, de una lucha armada a una lucha popular, como en la definición de la identidad política, de la religiosa hasta la territorial. Busca entender el significado histórico del cambio, situándolo en el contexto de las tecnologías de gobierno colonial (tanto el sistema de mijo otomano como el dominio indirecto británico) y los intentos poscoloniales para replantear y reformar este modo de gobierno. El resultado es una reflexión histórica que comienza con Steve Biko y la sublevación de Soweto en 1976, Mahmoud Mohamed Taha y John Garang en el Sudán poscolonial y termina con Sayyid Qutb y el significado de la plaza Tahrir.

本文将埃及解放广场的意义理解为一个剧烈转变,无论是在从事政治的方式上,即从武装斗争转变为民众抗争,还是在政治认同的定义上从宗教性转变到领土性。文章试图通过将这种变迁置于殖民统治（奥斯曼帝国的米勒特制和英国的间接统治）的技术语境下理解其历史意义,理解重思、变革统治模式的后殖民尝试。其结果便形成一种历史反思,它以史蒂夫·比科和1976年索维托起义、后殖民时期苏丹的马哈茂德·穆罕默德·塔哈和约翰·加朗为开端,终止于赛义德·库特布和解放广场的意义。     

Rituals of Solidarity and Security in the Wake of Terrorist Attack

Conflict produces group solidarity in four phases: (1) an initial few days of shock and idiosyncratic individual reactions to attack; (2) one to two weeks of establishing standardized displays of solidarity symbols; (3) two to three months of high solidarity plateau; and (4) gradual decline toward normalcy in six to nine months. Solidarity is not uniform but is clustered in local groups supporting each other's symbolic behavior. Actual solidarity behaviors are performed by minorities of the population, while vague verbal claims to performance are made by large majorities. Commemorative rituals intermittently revive high emotional peaks; participants become ranked according to their closeness to a center of ritual attention. Events, places, and organizations claim importance by associating themselves with national solidarity rituals and especially by surrounding themselves with pragmatically ineffective security ritual. Conflicts arise over access to centers of ritual attention; clashes occur between pragmatists deritualizing security and security zealots attempting to keep up the level of emotional intensity. The solidarity plateau is also a hysteria zone; as a center of emotional attention, it attracts ancillary attacks unrelated to the original terrorists as well as alarms and hoaxes. In particular historical circumstances, it becomes a period of atrocities .     

Expressed trust and compliance in police‐civilian encounters: the role of communication accommodation in Chinese and American settings

Research has demonstrated that police officers' communicative practices are potent predictors of individuals' expressed reactions to law enforcement. The present study continues this line of work in Taiwan, the People's Republic of China, and the United States by testing a theoretical model pertaining to the influence of perceived police officer accommodation and reported trust on attitudes about compliance with police requests. In addition to differences in reported levels of these variables across locations, findings indicated that perceived police officer communication accommodation predicted trust in police which, in turn, predicted attitudes about compliance with police requests. The empirical and practical significance of these findings are discussed.     

The Congress of the People and the Walter Sisulu Square of Dedication: from public deliberation to bureaucratic imposition in Kliptown

Kliptown was the site of the Congress of the People in June 1955 where the Freedom Charter was adopted – the culmination of two years of public deliberation. Fifty years later, in 2005, the Walter Sisulu Square of Dedication, a memorial to the Freedom Charter, opened on the same site. The new Square and a set of related buildings were built by the Johannesburg Development Agency as part of the Kliptown Redevelopment Project. The article begins with a brief review of Kliptown's history, especially on the fringes of apartheid, and then explores the new Walter Sisulu Square of Dedication, which stands in stark contrast to its surroundings. The article continues with comment from local residents about the new Square. In an effort to understand what happened in Kliptown, it reviews the process by which the new Square design was chosen and the level of community involvement in the development of the Square. The section ‘Memorialising Kliptown’ briefly contrasts the Walter Sisulu Square of Dedication with the District Six Museum and explores the concept of heritage as tourism. The article concludes ironically that in the era of democracy, in Kliptown – the home of the Freedom Charter – space for public deliberation has been severely curtailed.     

Using focus groups to explore the nature of prayer in late life

The purpose of this article is to present results from a series of focus groups that were designed to explore the nature and personal meaning of prayer in late life. Eight focus groups were conducted consisting of 63 adults age 65 and older. Three major themes associated with prayer emerged from the group discussions. First, study participants identified a number of beliefs about how prayer operates, including beliefs about the timing and nature of answers to prayers. Second, some participants felt it was important to distinguish between group and individual prayers. In the process, they discussed several ways in which the nature and impact of group and individual prayers may differ. Third, participants in our focus groups helped clarify what initially appeared to be a rather passive approach to the use of prayer during difficult times.     

A Neo-Durkheimian analysis of a new religious movement: The case of Soka Gakkai in Italy

Soka Gakkai is one of the world’s fastest-growing religious movements and Italy figures among the western nations where this religious group has been most successful. This article aims at explaining this success-story: why has Soka Gakkai, and particularly its Italian affiliation, grown so rapidly in recent years? This research question gives the opportunity to assess the applicability of the economic theory of religion to the growth of new religious movements. Hence, in order to explain the expansion of Soka Gakkai, this work begins with an examination of the adaptive strategies developed by a Japanese organization in the Italian religious market. It is claimed, however, that a rational choice explanation cannot stand on its own and that we must take into account the dynamics of pre-contractual solidarity that promote trust, especially when the expected benefits promised by this organization to its adherents do not materialize. Moreover, these solidarity dynamics generate intense emotional gratification that works as a highly motivating incentive to sustain members’ commitment and to prevent them from dropping out. This pre-contractual solidarity is actively produced and continuously reproduced by means of ritual interaction along the lines suggested by Collins’s theory.     

Workplace friendships among social work,counseling, and human service educators: Exploring the impact of sexual orientation and friendships in workplace empowerment

Workplace friendships are deliberate bonds between people in the workplace in which various degrees of confidence, care, emotional support, solidarity, honesty, and trust are shared. For lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) academics in higher education, such friendships may be particularly important as sources of social and institutional support. In this study, the authors examine the relationship between workplace friendships and workplace empowerment among a sample (N?=?204) of LGB and non-LGB educators in social work, counseling, and human services. The findings, taken from this sample of university educators, indicate that sexual orientation and workplace friendship opportunities can predict workplace empowerment. Implications of the study are that workplace behavioral health practice and research that supports LGB and non-LGB workers in developing meaningful relationships at work can positively impact the higher education workplace.     

Solidarity as a byproduct of professional collaboration: Social support and trust in a coworking space

This article investigates solidarity arising from economic exchange, by studying a multiplex network of collaboration, trust and social support. After a qualitative pre-study, we performed a full-network survey on a group of independent professionals sharing a coworking space and occasionally collaborating with each other. By running multivariate Exponential Random Graph Models, we showed that successful collaboration might not determine expectations of social support. However, these relationships were related to business-based trust ties, which were predicted by collaboration. Our results suggest that solidarity can emerge as a byproduct of peer economic exchange when trust mediates between professional relationships and expressive ties.     

Corruptus interruptus: the limits of transactional imaginaries in Moi’s Kenya

This article attempts to unsettle treatments of sovereignty that assume an intrinsic relationship between violence and the law even while critiquing the capacity of the law to ground social order through violence. In such discussions, the police become the embodiment of the force of law without content, especially in totalitarian contexts. In contrast, this article explores other conceptions of the police and by extension, sovereignty, at work in Kenya through an examination of police/citizen interactions at a marked political moment – the end of the 24-year rule of Kenyan President Daniel Arap Moi in 2002. Through a particular example of the complicated conviviality that pervades state/society relations in many patrimonial political contexts – in this case between a policeman, a bus driver, and the bus diver’s wife – I attempt to reframe normative conceptions about the police and of enforcement in the context of Kenya’s failing patrimonial economy of circulation and capture in the early 2000s.     

Solidarity and conflicts in coresidence of three-generational immigrant families from the former Soviet Union

The article presents findings from a qualitative study of three-generational immigrant families from the former Soviet Union living in Israel in shared households, exploring issues of solidarity and conflict. Data were collected through in-depth interviews with 30 respondents from 12 families. Seven central themes reflecting different aspects of solidarity and conflict emerged: (1) division of household chores (reflects functional and normative solidarity), (2) money management, (3) economic and housing (reflect functional solidarity), (4) emotional support, (5) involvement with intimate relations of the other generation (reflect affectual solidarity), (6) space and privacy, and (7) education of children and value transmission (reflect normative solidarity). These themes reflect the dynamics of intergenerational family relations and represent the meaning systems that these families have worked out to make sense of their shared living experiences.