从人"化外"到"化内"--20世纪80年代之前的台湾"原住民"政策述评

中国对台湾的行政管理至少始于明朝初期.清朝康熙年间,中国已在台湾"原住民"居住地区设置行政管理机构,开始涉及对台湾"原住民"事务的管理.从"夷"到"番"再到"山胞"的称谓变化,反映了中国中央政府或台湾当局使台湾"原住民"从"化外异族"变为"化内之民"的过程.而日本帝国主义在对台湾实行殖民统治期间,则把台湾"原住民"称作"蕃",后又改称为"高砂族"."原住民"族称变化中隐含的政策变化,对20世纪80年代以后台湾的"原住民"运动、政治生态和"台独"势力,都产生了深刻的影响.以"山地平地化"为主轴的台湾"原住民"政策和试图使台湾"原住民"迅速走向汉化的政策意图,为80年代以后兴起的"原住民运动"埋下了伏笔.     

台湾的少数民族

台湾的少数民族也就是台湾原住民族,即50年代所称的"台湾高山族".在台湾后来改称为"山胞"、"台湾土著族"、"台湾先住民"、"台湾原住民"等。台湾的高山族有自己的民族语言,属于南岛语系印度尼西亚语族。与古代越人语言一样,高山族语言也是多音节的粘着语,不同于汉族一字一音的孤立语。但高山族各地区的语言在语音、词汇、语法形态上差别较大。大体上可以分为"泰雅"、"曹"、"排湾"三大语群。高山族没有通用的民族文字。据语言与地域文化特征分类,台湾高山族主要分为九大族群,包括阿美族、泰雅族、排湾族、布农族、卑南族、鲁凯族、邹族(曹族)、雅美族、赛夏族。广义的高山族还包括平埔人,他们散居在台湾西部、北部、西南部平原与沿海,长期与汉族杂处、通婚,较早接受汉族文化,至19世纪以后已基本与汉族融为一体。     

从“化外”到“化内”——20世纪80年代之前的台湾“原住民”政策述评

中国对台湾的行政管理至少始于明朝初期。清朝康熙年间 ,中国已在台湾“原住民”居住地区设置行政管理机构 ,开始涉及对台湾“原住民”事务的管理。从“夷”到“番”再到“山胞”的称谓变化 ,反映了中国中央政府或台湾当局使台湾“原住民”从“化外异族”变为“化内之民”的过程。而日本帝国主义在对台湾实行殖民统治期间 ,则把台湾“原住民”称作“蕃” ,后又改称为“高砂族”。“原住民”族称变化中隐含的政策变化 ,对 2 0世纪 80年代以后台湾的“原住民”运动、政治生态和“台独”势力 ,都产生了深刻的影响。以“山地平地化”为主轴的台湾“原住民”政策和试图使台湾“原住民”迅速走向汉化的政策意图 ,为 80年代以后兴起的“原住民运动”埋下了伏笔。     

关于台湾原住民研究的几个问题

台湾原住民研究肇始于清代理番时期的采风民族志,日据时期开启了近代民族学、人类学意义上的调查研究阶段,光复后台湾学者主导的原住民研究,在民族志调查与社会文化人类学理论层面的研究都有很大的进展。近年来,台湾学者原住民研究中出现了片面强调台湾原住民与南岛语族的区域文化关系的错误倾向。以最新的民族志调查研究为基础,通过多学科整合研究,重建台湾原住民的民族起源、历史与现状、族群关系与国家认同等重要课题,是新时期大陆学者责无旁贷的历史任务。     

论古越民族与台湾原住民族的宗教认同

宗教认同是民族文化认同的核心内容之一,是民族认同的重要标识.民族间宗教认同的相似度越高,其民族的同源性就越强.通过比较古越民族与台湾原住民族在传说、典籍中所反映的宗教信仰,发现他们的宗教信仰非常相似,都表现为洪水神话、蛇生始祖的民族起源说和鸟神崇拜,可见古越民族与台湾原住民族在民族文化认同的根源上具有一脉相承性.     

台湾三民乡沙阿鲁阿族的族群现象

沙阿鲁阿族是台湾原住民邹族的三大族群之一,以三民乡民权村的沙阿鲁阿族来看,民权村的原住民以布农族为主,其次为沙阿鲁阿族和堪卡那福族,通用的原住民语言是布农语,沙阿鲁阿族和堪卡那福族的后裔,多年来被视为或自视为布农族而不自觉.但近年来随着族群意识的高涨,后二族群的后裔,纷纷挺身而出,声称自己的族群认同.从中我们看到国家与地方的折衷以及不同族群间的冲突与妥协.如何为族群间寻求一相处之道,是今日当务之急.     

原住民自助文化研究的时代意义--东华大学族群所的文化实践

东华大学族群所本于文化知识的实践行动,于1995年创所之初即规划"原住民自助文化研究计划".透过"原住民自助文化研习营"的活动和地方文史工作者的文化采集,以及借着观摩活动与鼓励自行研究,原住民自助文化研究有了初步的成果.1998年族群所创立了在职专班,提供地方教师与相关人员取得正式硕士学位的机会.由于课程的完整安排与独立的论文写作,原住民相关研究得以在地方开展.2001年成立之民族文化学系更透过一半名额保障原住民学生的措施,吸引了更多的原住民学子加入自助文化研究的行列.东华大学族群所十年来的努力过程,期许着人类学与原住民研究之间有更好的互动与发展.     

政治领导与马来西亚国族"打造"

与一般情况不同,马来西亚国族的"打造"有两个特点一是文化上相对滞后的马来人企图同化文化上相对先进的华人;二是由于历史原因,在国族"打造"过程中没有采取独裁统治下通行的强制同化政策,而是采取妥协与合作的做法.文章认为,这两个特点既体现了政治领导对马来西亚国族"打造"的重要影响,也在一定程度上说明各族群(ethnic groups)相互交往、自然融合并不是多族群国家国族形成的惟一模式.     

族群政治在台湾“总统”选举中的表现及其特点

"省籍——族群"问题是当代台湾政治选举过程中的核心议题之一。在台湾社会不同层级的政治选举中,四大族群(闽南人或福佬人、外省人、客家人、原住民)的互动对选举政治的过程和结果也造成了不同程度的影响,尤其是像"中央"层级的"总统"选举,族群政治的表现尤为显著。文章拟对台湾晚近四次"总统"选举中族群政治的表现给予简单分析,并由此归纳出台湾族群政治的一些特点,如族群政治的间隔性、消弭趋势、建构性等。     

走向民粹化的族群政治--20世纪80年代以来的台湾原住民运动与原住民政策研究

台湾的原住民运动兴起于上世纪 80年代初期。在族群化、民粹化的政治背景下 ,台湾的原住民运动从其产生之初起就混杂着民粹的因素。原住民运动在中前期发展阶段 ,在民粹手段和社会动员等方面与台湾的政治反对派互相借重 ,并形成策略互动。而台湾原住民的“正名”诉求则是由国民党籍的原住民“民意代表”和原住民运动相互配合得以实现的 ,台湾的原住民政策也由此发生了明显的改变。在“正名”实现后 ,台湾的原住民运动开始分裂并趋于衰微 ,但同时愈加民粹化     

Meeting / Derrida

In August 1999, Jacques Derrida gave a number of lectures and seminars in Melbourne and Sydney. The seminar of 13 August, held at Sydney's Seymour Centre Theatre, was open to the public. It consisted of a question-and-answer session with Genevieve Lloyd, David Wills, Paul Patton and Penelope Deutscher. Its title, 'Themes from Recent Work', reflected interests in the work from Specters of Marx (1994) onwards which some, including Paul Patton, have referred to as deconstruction in its affirmative phase. What follows is a by-no-means verbatim record of the event. Rather it is but one member of the audience's account of what transpired in the seminar – an account which is therefore necessarily selective and pressed through the grid of my own quasi-philosophical interests. Following this account of the seminar, I offer some marginal notes on the open discussion following the seminar, then, finally, some reflections on a particular matter discussed at the dinner which followed that – madness.     

Defining ‘real India’: representations of authenticity in independent travel

As an alternative to the stereotypical mass tourism, independent travellers – travellers who travel for extended periods on low budgets while ostensibly avoiding formalized tourist activities and locales – are invested in constructing ‘authentic’ travel experiences. Practices such as ‘off-the-beaten-track’ travel and cultural engagement provide the means by which independent travellers are able to make claims to such authenticity. Authenticity is constructed by travellers through idealizations of intimacy and non-commodification. These idealizations are tangled in narrative representations of ‘real’ India and ‘real’ Indians, their ‘real’-ness typified by an absence of other travellers, tourists and, more generally, Western contamination. In these ways, ‘authentic’ travel is dependent upon actively constructed binaries of Western travelling subjects and exotic Indian objects. Yet travellers' fantasies of the Other are fragile and subject to collapse at moments in which so-called Others articulate their subjectivity in a way that is inconsistent with travellers' expectations. Through a focus on travellers' narratives of their experience, both the requirement for an Orientalist dichotomy as well as the ruptures that continually challenge this dichotomy, will emerge.     

Oestrogen Rising 2016: Ireland’s stained and bloodied cloths

A weaver, seamstress, laundress and artist, in this essay I shall spin a yarn, tangle a web, and construct a text(ile) of the inter-weave of narrative and identity that I define as my intellectual, textual, somatic and material/visual practice obsessions. My work explores ‘the places in-between’ in the entanglements of Irish and Northern Irish gender and identity, and in the abject fabrics of death and of desire. As an Irish feminist, sense-making of the complexities, conundrums, challenges and contradictions of my land, my cloth, my body and my culture owes much to Irish women before me who fought for female suffrage, and Irish women now – north and south of the border that divides the island of Ireland – who still struggle for equality of citizenship, social justice, human rights, and full reproductive autonomy. My contention is that when we accept that Ireland herself is a many-layered cloth, a stained and bloodied cloth, a cloth marked irreversibly by history, conflict, denial and abuse, stained by its own repression, marked through denial of all its people’s rights and needs, and bloodied by its greatest export, the haemorrhage of its people, then – polemical, didactic or reflective, with more compassion, empathy, humility and heart – we just might make peace with our past.     

Refugees,migrants, neither,both: categorical fetishism and the politics of bounding in Europe’s ‘migration crisis’

The use of the categories ‘refugee’ and ‘migrant’ to differentiate between those on the move and the legitimacy, or otherwise, of their claims to international protection has featured strongly during Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ and has been used to justify policies of exclusion and containment. Drawing on interviews with 215 people who crossed the Mediterranean to Greece in 2015, our paper challenges this ‘categorical fetishism’, arguing that the dominant categories fail to capture adequately the complex relationship between political, social and economic drivers of migration or their shifting significance for individuals over time and space. As such it builds upon a substantial body of academic literature demonstrating a disjuncture between conceptual and policy categories and the lived experiences of those on the move. However, the paper is also critical of efforts to foreground or privilege ‘refugees’ over ‘migrants’ arguing that this reinforces rather than challenges the dichotomy’s faulty foundations. Rather those concerned about the use of categories to marginalise and exclude should explicitly engage with the politics of bounding, that is to say, the process by which categories are constructed, the purpose they serve and their consequences, in order to denaturalise their use as a mechanism to distinguish, divide and discriminate.     

伊斯兰学者刘智的"元气"与日本儒者伊藤仁斋的"一元气"思想——朱子学"理"、"气"学说的批判与重构

在"文明间对话"被各国学界极为重视的当代,特别值得关注与研究的是,17-18世纪的回儒学与日本德川儒学之间的具有价值和意义的对话.刘智和伊藤仁斋是同时代不同文化背景的两位思想大师,同时受到朱子学影响,并吸收融合而产生出自己独特的思想体系.本文将探讨这两位思想家对朱子学"理"、"气"思想的重构特色.进一步想说明,不同文化...     

The changing configurations of self-(m)other dialogue in North Cyprus

This paper deals with issues of identity, nationalism, postcolonialism, and self-other relations with a focus on a period of transformative events in North Cyprus. It notes how nationalism has been the dominant means of identification for Cypriots in their modern history, and argues that unless weakened and supplanted by a radically pluralist democracy, nationalism imagines one's identity as an indivisible unity and has no place for different others within the nation. However, a pressing relationship with others and otherness is no stranger to Cypriots either, which makes it clear that the border that defines the ‘we’ of such nationalism is, at the same time, the line that divides the self intrinsically, indicating the otherness of the self or its alterity. Subjectivity involves subjection to the other.     

热贡鲁若中"玛泽"与藏族历史的渊源关系

文章从历史学、宗教学、民俗学等角度,将流行于黄南藏族自治州同仁县隆务河流域的六月会主体节目之一"玛泽"的文化内涵进行了新的探讨,并就"玛泽"节目的历史和宗教渊源关系,民俗形成过程,以及对军事、生产活动中的意义提出了自己的看法.     

三江源自然保护区生态旅游开发的SWOT分析

本文就三江源自然保护区开发生态旅游产品的可行性及发展潜力,运用SWOT分析模式进行客观分析,并得出三江源开发生态旅游产品是实现该地区可持续发展的最佳途径。     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

Governing multicultural Brussels: paradoxes of a multi-level,multi-cultural,multi-national urban anomaly

ABSTRACT

Updating our earlier work on Brussels as the paradigm of a multi-level, multi-cultural, multi-national city, and in the context of Brussels’s recent troubled emergence as the epicentre of violent conflict between radical political Islam and the West, this paper sets out the paradoxical intersection of national (i.e. Flemish and Francophone), non-national and ethnic minority politics in a city placed as a multi-cultural and multi-national ‘urban anomaly’ at the heart of linguistic struggle of the two dominant Belgian communities. Brussels is one of the three Regions of the Belgian federal model alongside Flanders and Wallonia. It is also an extraordinarily diverse and cosmopolitan city, in which a mixed language Belgian population lives alongside very high numbers of resident non-nationals, including European elites, other European immigrant workers, and immigrants from Africa and Asia. After laying out the complex distribution of power and competences within the Belgian federal structure, we explore whether these structures have worked over the years to include or exclude disadvantaged ethnic groups. To better understand these processes, we introduce our view of the multi-level governance perspective.