中国城市社区的公民社会建设:一条新路径的考察

在中国城市社区,虽然公民社会的建设主要是从居委会这样的自治组织着手进行的,但可以从理论上与实践中看到公民社会建设的另一条途径,其起点就是社区内更"草根"化的结社组织。从公民社会建设的角度看,社区内的草根结社组织与社区自治组织有着大不相同的结果。自治组织更容易突出国家与社会消长性的权力关系,而从结社组织出发,可以引导出建设性的国家—社会关系;建立自治组织所需的社会基础条件比较苛刻,而从结社组织入手,能够培育人们的参与意识与治理能力、提高社区内的社会资本含量。     

再论敦煌私人结社的教化功能

敦煌民间结社问题的研究已经相当完善,而不容忽视的一个问题即是敦煌民间结社具有的教育与教化功能。本文从敦煌民间结社的组织形式和社内成员之间的关系角度分析敦煌民间结社组织对社内成员所具有的教化功能。     

公民德性的三维建构与法治秩序生成

公民身份的首要本质是“认同”与“公民德性”。公民德性的塑造与培养为我国当下生成法治秩序、保证公共安全提供根本性支撑,而个体认同与身份归属是公民德性建构的理论前设。其中,本体论前提是尊重个体道德地位与内在价值,故首先要维护公民自主性与个体自由的实现。这里,自主等同于个人自律,要求公民按照批判性评价及理性整合之后的价值、理想去行动;而人与人之间的相互依赖决定了重建社会团结关键在于复兴个人对他人和社会的责任感、修复公民对团体和社群的价值认同,但慈善与志愿仍限于公民自愿的选择,并且在认可公民不参与政治公共生活自由的同时,提倡和鼓励公民积极参与社区和公共审议;最后,个人自主预设了竞争性多元主义的正当性,这为宽容原则提供了论证依据,宽容是包含着尊重的一种肯定性的包容,其中尊重基本人权与合乎理性是宽容的基础和底线。公民德性的塑造需要在生活世界中完成,而共同体的形成和凝聚则需要社会信任和公民礼仪。     

论我国社团管理的制度化、法律化

一、理顺社团管理体制,合理界定社团管理机关和职责权限社会团体是人们基于共同利益与意愿的集合体,是人们为了一定宗旨,按一定原则而且自愿结成的不以营利为目的的社会组织。社团作为公民社会参与需求和结社自由权的现实表现形态,其实质是人们通过群体互动与整合,获取心理、行为和利益的自我满足、完善和实现,并使之不断社会化的重要社会过程。因此,社团具有社会性、民间性、自治性和组织性,是一支自发凝结的重要社会力量,衡平、调节着社会关系和社会生活。在我国,社会主义国体和政体体现了人民总体利益,社团利益与国家利益具有根本的一致性,因此,我国的社团是人民群众在党和政府地领导下,进行参政议政和参与国家和社会事务管理的重要组织形式。尤其是改革     

社会主义和谐社会中公民利益团体问题研究

公民利益团体是在自愿的基础上,公民按照共同的利益追求和共同的兴趣爱好形成的社会组织。社会主义社会公民利益之间及公民和社会之间也存在着差异和矛盾,这种矛盾会以利益团体的形式表现出来。和谐视野下的公民利益团体建设就是要整合社会利益,关注弱势群体的利益,达到社会利益的共存共赢,实现多元利益共享。     

寻求民主发展与公民参与的统一——一种参与式民主的进路

寻求民主发展和公民参与的统一是现代民主理论必须面对的一个重大问题。在当代西方精英主义民主理论中,更多强调的是公民参与和民主发展的矛盾和对立。而参与式民主理论从个体、共同体、国家三个层面对民主的内涵进行了重构,突出了公民参与的教育、整合和制约功能。通过在地方事务、社会团体和公共领域中的公民积极参与,从而实现民主发展和公民参与的统一。本文描述了这种参与式民主的进路,为中国民主的发展提供另一个可资借鉴的视域。     

雾霾治理中的公民参与困境及其对策

雾霾污染考验国家治理的行动模式,公民参与雾霾治理具有独特的优势与现实必要性。在当前雾霾治理过程中,公民参与面临的困境包括"搭便车"行为与"囚徒困境",信息不对称、信息公开和共享机制不完善,个体行动乏力,缺乏法律保障、制度保障与组织保障等。公民个人应当树立环保意识,改变生活方式,在源头上直接参与雾霾的防治,进而参与雾霾的公共治理活动。政府要建立大气治理信息共享渠道,保证公民的知情权和监督权;建立多种信息收集渠道,汇集对大气治理的意见和建议;把公民参与纳入环境政策制定的过程中。社会组织的参与是公民参与的延伸与拓展,也是促进或推动公民参与雾霾治理的重要力量,社会组织应发挥其组织和专业优势。此外,环境污染第三方治理也是雾霾治理的合理模式。     

国家引导与社会参与:白俄罗斯的爱国主义教育

对公民尤其是青少年开展爱国主义教育,需要国家的正确引导,也需要全社会的广泛参与。白俄罗斯自1994年卢卡申科执政以来,坚持国家引导的基本前提,根据"白青盟"、"白老盟"、"白军盟"等不同公民社会团体和宗教组织等社会力量的各自特点,深入开展内容丰富、形式多样的爱国主义教育系列活动,逐步形成了"国家引导与社会参与的爱国主义教育"模式,收到了教育主体和教育客体互动共赢的良好效果。这些系列活动以及积累的基本经验,为我国爱国主义教育的扎实推进提供了有益借鉴。     

公民资格与全民福利——T.H.马歇尔公民资格理论评述

在英国发展福利国家过程中,T.H.马歇尔在其《公民资格与社会阶级》著名讲座中提出的公民资格理论,从思想上支持了全民福利的发展。通过这一理论提出和诠释的社会权利的概念,基本生活保障和过上体面的生活成为公民个人应得的权利,国家则负有保障公民这种权利得到实现的义务,因此这种理论在西欧和北欧福利国家的发展过程中产生了广泛而又深远的影响。     

构建和谐广州的重要标志——公民有序政治参与

要构建社会主义和谐社会,就必须扩大公民有序的政治参与。只有广大公民积极有序的参与政治生活和社会管理,才能达到真正的社会稳定与和谐。而构建和谐广州的重要标志之一也就体现在公民有序的政治参与方面。实践证明：广州在改革开放先行一步的同时,为公民参与政治生活和地方政府自治也做出了许多有益的尝试,为构建和谐广州构筑了公民参与的立体平台。     

The theory of risk-bearing: Small and great risks

Under certain conditions, risk-sharing and, in particular, insurance are mutually advantageous transactions. An ideal competitive market fcr risk-shifting is described; the payments received by individuals depend on the resolution of all the uncertainties at the time of the market, including, for example, damages to all parties, not just to the insured. In an ideal system, premiums depend only on the total damage in a given state, not on its distribution over individuals. In particular, mitigation measures are optimally induced. The differences between the ideal model of insurance and the real world are described, and some explanations offered.     

“承认”作为国家秩序与国际秩序的原则

费希特和黑格尔都在国家间的承认和个人阃的承认之间进行类比.在他们那个时代,西方国家的契约社会已经建立起来,个体之间不再需要"为承认而斗争";在国际事务中,国与国之间仍然处干"自然状态",仍需要"为承认而斗争".当今世界,国家之间的相互承认已经成为国际交往的前提,"承认"范畴已经不再是国际法的逻辑起点.     

Benefit Dependency and the Dynamics of the Welfare State: Comparing Sweden and the Netherlands

In this article we analyse the dynamics of the welfare state, focusing on the Netherlands and Sweden. The basic question is whether the different social systems of these countries result in differences in persistency of benefit dependency. We conclude that although benefit dependency at a macroeconomic level is more or less the same, patterns of mobility of individuals between benefits and jobs are different. These different patterns are partly explained by overrepresentation of benefits with a high degree of persistency in the Netherlands. This overrepresentation is, however, not sufficient to account for the large differences observed in dynamics. Characteristics of the welfare state account for that.     

The localist turn in British politics and its critics

Localism has become a central feature of British political debate in recent years. This article traces the emergence and development of localism within all the three major UK parties – Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats – and seeks to explain why this transformation has taken place. Localism involves a radical ideological critique of the central state and seeks to replace it with more local forms of political organisation. In particular, this article distinguishes between ‘liberal’ and ‘communitarian’ forms of localism. Finally, this article evaluates the strength of localist claims to both empower individuals and allow for the expression of communal identity, concluding that there are fundamental flaws in localist arguments which allow for the re-emergence of the central state as a key actor.     

中共执政合法性模式的转换:现状与前瞻

中共执政的合法性资源表现出明显的动态性特征。在"毛泽东时代"和"邓小平时代",分别形成了以意识形态资源为主导的合法性模式和以经济绩效资源为中轴的合法性模式。新时期,受制于经济不增长、共产主义意识形态、国家利益与个人利益关系等因素的制约,经济绩效合法性模式面临着困局。伴随着经济政治体制改革不断深化,从经济绩效合法性模式转向构建法理型合法性模式,不仅具有重要的理论价值,也具有现实可行性。     

从暴力犯罪看乡村秩序及其“豪强化”危险——国家法/民间法视角反思

对东北四所监狱“民事转刑事”暴力犯罪案件的调查显示,现代乡村社会存在一类特殊的纠纷：第一,它的广泛存在,标志着民间秩序整合力量在特定情境下的失败;第二,它也没有被国家法系统处理和吸收。本文通过对结构性访谈中7个案例的详细剖解,检视了这类纠纷背后乡村秩序的可能图景。与传统的民间法理论的预设相反,国家法秩序的“外来性”是地方性社会中日渐增多的“陌生人”获得保护的可能途径。然而,国家法的实践依赖于基层政治运作,其调整功能取决于民间秩序的配合,民间秩序整合的失败迫使国家法直接面对个人的实质性需求,而其调整无力反过来增加了个人对国家法的失望,并可能将失望导向对国家法独立性的质疑。在此背景下,“豪强化”的危险可能在乡村社会出现：“强力人士”依赖国家对社会的渗透力和控制力,向下瓦解传统秩序的力量;借助国家法和国家政权在权力来源上的同一性,向上瓦解国家法秩序的合法性。     

20世纪50年代的妇女解放和男女义务平等：中国城市夫妻的经历与感受

毛泽东时代的妇女解放和男女平等实践在中外学术界引起很大争 议。一方面人们看到共产党运用法律、行政和舆论手段以确保妇女与 男子享有平等的权利和机会,大大缩小了妇女在婚姻、就业和受教育程 度等方面与男子的差距;另一方面也指出上述方面持续存在的种种不 平等以及平等措施后面隐藏的事实上的不平等。1令学者困惑的是,20 世纪50年代,男女在婚姻、就业和受教育程度等差距最大,但是中国妇 女,尤其是城市妇女对妇女解放的认同感却最强(Croll,1995;Rofel,     

The Social Security Act: Just Another Act or a Blueprint for Social Justice?

This paper takes the opportunity of the Social Security Review to reflect on the meaning of social security reform. It argues that traditional conceptions of the welfare state are unduly narrow and atomistic, concentrating on vesting individuals with social security rights similar to private law notions of contract or properly, and the securing of those rights from depredations by the state. In contrast it contends that social security properly rests on a notion of social rights to participation in society. This is a positive, reciprocal relationship between citizen and state in which both sides have rights and obligations in furthering participation in core social, economic and community activities. The article assays a preliminary statement of ‘social rights’ and considers how new legislation might better harmonize with it.     

Your position in society matters for how happy you are

This article shows that people's perception of their position in society is strongly correlated with their level of happiness, and thus that differences in happiness levels among countries in different welfare state clusters are influenced by people's perceptions of their relative position in society (subjective position). The study drew on data from the European Social Survey. Two important findings emerged from the analysis. First, an individual's subjective position in society is a more important predictor of happiness than objective measures such as income, education and labour market position. Second, the link between individuals’ perceived position in society and their level of happiness is moderated by the welfare state. In the Nordic countries, people's perceptions of their position in society have less influence on happiness whereas in Eastern European countries we found a strong connection between subjective position and happiness.     

A multilevel analysis of perceived intergenerational mobility and welfare state preferences

Previous scholarship suggests that the effect of perceived intergenerational mobility on attitudes related to social justice, inequality and redistribution is more salient than the effect of individuals' objective intergenerational mobility. However, virtually no studies have attempted to link individuals' perception of experiencing intergenerational mobility and their support for different welfare state programmes. In my study using nationally representative and comparative survey data for 33 Western European welfare democracies and post‐socialist transition societies, I found that perceived intergenerational mobility is associated with support for certain welfare state programmes. Results from multilevel linear probability models indicate that subjectively downwardly mobile individuals are less likely to support education and healthcare expenditure and more likely to prefer targeted assistance of the poor, while subjectively upwardly mobile individuals oppose extra spending on housing and old‐age pensions. The described associations are more vividly manifested in post‐socialist societies than in the analysed Western European democracies.