北魏道武帝早年经历考辨--与李凭先生商榷

《魏书》关于北魏道武帝拓跋早年经历的记载虽然简约 ,但是指认明确 ,论列系统 ,有较为可靠的佐证资料 ,其价值远在《宋书》、《南齐书》及《晋书》诸书之上。本文认为 :拓跋什翼犍死于“君之乱” ,道武帝拓跋在代国灭亡后并没有迁往长安及蜀地等 ,而是一直生活在雁北地区。这些事实都有相当详实的史料根据 ,李凭先生否认这些事实的推论是难以成立的。     

"弥不弄羌"考

《新唐书·吐蕃传》载有"昨弥不弄羌、党项"一段文字,自上世纪80年代以来,对该段文字的断句或解释有好几种观点,有断句为"昨弥、不弄、羌、党项"的,也有断为"昨弥、不弄羌、党项"的.笔者通过对唐代汉文文献的考证,证明只能断句为"昨弥不弄羌、党项",并首次在敦煌古藏文文献中发现了与"弥不弄羌"对应的vBrom khong一词.其中,vBrom与"弥不弄"即"白兰"是一种稳定的对应关系.这就澄清了学术界长期以来围绕"昨弥不弄羌"断句、"弥不弄羌"(即"白兰羌")藏文对应词而产生的歧义.     

羌人渊源考释

本文通过对羌人的“被发履面”习俗、古羌人的火葬之俗、古羌人的白石崇拜、羌族虎图腾等几方面 ,借助丰富的考古学材料 ,有力地论证了马家窑文化的居民并非羌人之祖先 ,而宗日文化才是先羌文化这样一个观点     

“培米”藏族远古氏族考据

青藏高原东南部与川滇交接处自称"培米"的藏族群体远古氏族问题一度被学界讨论,学者们提出了牦牛种说、白狼羌说、党项羌说和藏族说等不同的观点;然而,该群体本身也有自古流传下来的氏族叙述传统,有着自我的族群认知。本文将汉藏史料与本土历史文化信息结合起来,在他者和自我的双重视角下,对"培米"藏族远古氏族属性进行考证。     

都兰古墓等出土的"太阳鸟"解析——与柳春诚先生商榷

本文通过对都兰大墓中出土的"唐代银质太阳鸟"等文物图案的解读和分析,辩驳卡约先民崇拜"太阳"及"太阳鸟"的论点.提出了卡约先民是古羌人的观点,同时提出了图案中的"太阳鸟"实为"鹏"的观点.由此推断都古墓是吐蕃赞普之墓,而不是吐谷浑之墓.     

"姜维城"讲述的故事——有心兴汉,无力回天的羌人英雄

威州镇有座古城遗址被称为"姜维城",它是对羌人英雄姜维的纪念.作为诸葛亮的军事继承人,他继承并贯彻了诸葛亮的"和夷"政策.姜维虽然是"有心兴汉,无力回天"的一个悲剧人物,但因为他一生的所作所为,人们还是公认他是一个不可否认的时代英雄.     

道与中国山水画

从解读"道"的内涵着手,进而扼要分析"道"对中国古代山水画的影响,认识中西艺术的基本差异.     

金城属国

金城属国是赵充国平羌后,为安置数万降羌于神爵二年(前60年)设立的。 汉朝开地斥境,疆域扩大,把大批四邻部落囊括在疆土之内。对新拓展的少数民族地区,实行三种管理制度。一是与中原地区相同,设置郡县,设官治民。二是在边塞地方,设立部都尉,领护少数民族部落。如在金城郡设立以前,陇西郡北部都尉管辖今民和、循化一带羌人部落。三是设置属国,属国居民,“因其故俗”,其原有社会组织、生产生活习惯不     

羌人入据青衣江流域时间探析

据《后汉书·西羌传》载,羌人是秦献公时代由黄河上游甘青地区"附落而南"进入川西高原的,故历史上存在于青衣江流域的"青衣羌"应属羌人向南流布的一支.但因史籍对青衣羌的记载极为简略、模糊,目前学界对其具体面貌所知甚少.本文以新挖掘的史料线索着重探讨了汉代以前青衣羌的活动踪迹,发现青衣羌出现于青衣江流域的历史甚早,至少在秦灭蜀以前并曾一度在当地建立"青衣羌国".文章认为青衣羌进入青衣江流域的时间很可能在秦献公以前,这对理解羌人南下进入藏彝走廊的时间提供了新的视角.     

2015年中国羌学研究评述

2015年是我国"十二五"规划的收官之年,学术界对羌学研究的热情依然如故,反映在研究成果增多、研究质量提高、研究手段丰富、研究领域全面等.但是,2015年中国羌学研究的"冷"、"热"点与2014年相比较,并没有发生大的变化:"热"点主要在于关注羌族地区经济、文化、艺术、教育等贴近民众生活和社会发展领域的研究;"冷"点主要在于对羌文学、法律、医药、体质与心理等方面的研究成果较少.另外,2015年的中国羌学研究中仍然存在部分论文质量较差、低水平重复研究等突出的问题.     

试论北魏前期的官员薪酬分配模式

北魏前期官员薪酬分配的基本模式是在拓跋时期确立的。在建国过程中 ,拓跋对于官、禄制度有过深刻思考 ,这对北魏前期官员分配模式的建立有着十分重要的影响。简言之 ,由于统治意志的干预 ,北魏前期没有实行中原俸禄制 ,而是实行分别适应于不同群体的多种形式并存的官员薪酬分配模式。这个模式的基本内容是 :廪给等保障官吏的基本生存 ;在此基础之上是班赐 ,其中最为显著的是战后班赐 ,以功次为标准 ,在功勋群体内部进行 ;最后则是对个体的赏赐     

文成帝《南巡碑》所见北魏前期禁卫武官制度

文成帝《南巡碑》可进一步充实对北魏前期以幢将郎卫制度为主体的禁卫武官制度的认识。《南巡碑》所见幢将有内都幢将、三郎幢将、雅乐真幢将、内小幢将等 ,内都幢将当为负责殿中宿卫的禁卫长官。《南巡碑》所见斛洛真即胡洛真 ,意即“带仗人”(宿卫者 ) ,斛洛真军将或即宿卫军将。雅乐真、胡洛真可能就是史书中常见之羽林、虎贲 (郎 )。《南巡碑》可见大量郎官———内行内三郎、内三郎、三郎 ,内三郎多兼将军号。北魏前期亦有左右卫、武卫、四军、骁游等将军 ,似亦为禁卫武官。左卫将军所兼之南部折纥真即南部下大夫 (尚书南部侍郎 )。文成帝时禁卫武官出身于五六十个家族 ,归附拓跋鲜卑的各部族几乎都有代表人物任职于北魏禁卫武官系统 ,主要以帝室十姓、勋臣八姓及素和氏、斛律氏等约十余个家族为主。高车 (敕勒 )族的乙旃 (叔孙 )、斛律氏与北魏禁卫军权的关系极为密切。禁卫武官的出身和来源从一个侧面反映了北魏前期政权浓厚的民族特色及广泛的代表性     

梁国王墓志铭文初释

辽代梁国王石鲁隐术里者是秦国太妃之夫萧和的第三子萧孝诚的第三子,汉名萧知微,其妻是惕隐司仲父房查懒瑰引宰相第四女、耶律仁先四妹涅睦衮别胥.在出土的契丹文铭文中有自阿古只以来历代子孙的详尽记载,其史料价值非常珍贵.这些墓志的出土,可将萧和一系六世子孙中之一部分厘清,对研究辽史和契丹史有很重要的意义.     

魏晋南北朝时期的河南道

河南道是丝绸之路的重要路段,在魏晋南北朝时期非常繁荣。此时期的河南道以五世纪中期为界分为初期发展和繁荣两个发展过程,并在当时中西、南北交通、经济文化交流中发挥了积极的作用。     

试论西魏北周时期的赐、复胡姓

北魏末年即已出现恢复胡姓的社会现象 ,宇文泰主政期间 ,推行了赐、复胡姓的运动 ,并使之在一段时期内形成一股潮流。本文依据正史 ,列举西魏北周时期赐、复胡姓的情况 ,并从籍贯、赐姓时间、事由等方面对之进行了逐项考察 ;认为宇文泰赐、复胡姓的目的主要是推进府兵制的实行 ,而赐、复胡姓的中止也不应当是出于宇文泰的所谓“遗旨”。     

韦皋与唐代南方丝绸之路的重开

Weigao was one of the famous Jie-dushi ( regional military commissioners ) of the Jiannan Xichuan ( located in today’s southern Si-chuan) in the Tang Dynasty. During the rule of Wei Gao, he successfully defeated the Tubo, and changed the Tang court’s submissiveness in the southwestern region and the fight between the Tang and Tubo along the southern line. He also restored the links between Yunnan and Xichuan including all the way to the Central Plains, and, as a result, the once closed Southern Silk Road was reopened. A further exploration and evaluation of Wei Gao’s actions and his influence on reopening the Southern Silk Road ought to be given. I. Wei Gao’s Alliance with the Nanzhao King-dom and Reopening the Southern Silk Road In 785 A. D. , Wei Gao arrived in Chengdu and was appointed Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan. The situation of Jiannan Xichuan at that time was very critical. After the Tianbao war, the Kingdom of Nanzhao, which had unified the area around Er-hai Lake with the support of the Tang in the past, turned against the Tang and publicly announced its alliance with the Tubo. The Nanzhao Kingdom, to-gether with the Tubo, struck the Tang in the south-western region. This shift not only put the Tang in a submissive position in the southwestern region, but also significantly influenced the relations be-tween the Tang and the Tubo. As the Jiedushi of Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao became a unique practitioner and actively promoted a joint strategy in Yunnan. After the Tang decided to make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom, relevant actions were taken immediately. However because relations between the Nanzhao Kingdom and the Tang had been broken for many years, at the beginning, Wei Gao could only communicate through some of the tribal chiefs of the Dongman ( Eastern Barbarians) . Through several years of ef-fort and mutual contact, Wei Gao’s endeavors to make an alliance with the Nanzhao, at last, were effective. Wei Gao’s efforts to make an alliance with the Nanzhao certainly involved issues related to trans-portation between Xichuan and the area of Erhai Lake. During that period, the route between Xi-chuan and Nanzhao was not only under military threat from the Tubo, but it was also overseen by the tribes of the Dongman who supported the Tu-bo—this indicated that the line of communication was not in a normal situation. The Southern Silk Road was one of ancient China’s important land trade routes to overseas. In looking at relevant re-cords in the Shiji ( Records of the Historian ) , we can see that this route had been known by people in the Central Plains from at least the Qin and Han dynasties. It was called the“Shushen Dudao” dur-ing the Han dynasty, and the “Xi’er Tianzhu zhid-ao” in the Taizhong period of the Tang dynasty.“Xi’er” refers to Erhai Lake, which was called“Xi’er He” during that time; “Tianzhu”, i. e.“Shendu”, refers to present day India. Since the Qin and Han dynasties, there were two primary routes between Xichuan and the area of Lake Er-hai. One was the Shimendao, also called the Wuchidao or Rongzhoudao, which started from present Chengdu and went through present day Le-shan and Yibin. The other was the Qing Xidao, also called the Lingguandao, Songzhoudao or Qiongnan Yilu,which, started from present Cheng-du, and went through present day Ya’an, and Xichang. These two routes were also called the“North Route” and the“South Route” in the Yun-nan Zhi ( The History of Yunnan) compiled by Fan Cuo in the Tang Dynasty. These two were the main routes between Sichuan and Yunnan on the South-ern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty. In 794 A. D. , the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom swore an oath of alliance, and Wei Gao started his plans to reo-pen the routes. By making a comprehensive analy-sis of relevant historical records, we are certain that starting with a plan in the 8th century, and fol-lowing the realization of the alliance between the Tang and Nanzhao as part of the strategy for the Southwestern area, and, together with the success in the fight against the Tubo, the two main chan-nels between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road were reopened as a result of the concern of Wei Gao at the beginning of the 9th century. II. The Basic Situation of the Route between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty and Its Historical Significance It was a long way from Xichuan to the area of Lake Erhai, and, moreover, the situation was also very complicated. Whenever the North Route or the South Route opened, it was not something that was completed immediately; it was a process. Al-though some sections of the road might be comple-ted initially, the opening of the entire route could not be completed within a short time. Through the records of Fan Cuo in his Yunnan Zhi, we can glean a general understanding of the basic situation regarding the reopening of the two main routes be-tween Sichuan and Yunnan along the Southern Silk Road in the Tang Dynasty. Seen from the records of Fan Cuo, there were courier stations along the South Route, so that travelers and their horses could have services and accommodation. It is very significant to note that in addition to the records of courier stations along the route managed by the Xichuan administration, the Yunnan Zhi also recorded that special translators were arranged for facilitating the contact and ex-change between the two sides, i. e. Xichuan and Nanzhao, after the route reached Ezhunling. This detail reflected Xichuan’s attention to the manage-ment of this route, but it also reflected the frequent contact between the people from the two sides of this route and the need for better communication. The road which started from Ezhunling was man-aged by the Nanzhao Kingdom. The situation of the North Route was quite different from the South Route. Based upon an analysis of the records found in the Yunnan Zhi, along the north route, there were not only high mountain, steep slopes, and winding roads, but the traveler also had to pass through many areas inhabited by the Wuman (Black Babarians). So, people were able to pass through the stations only after their words had been translated three or four times. Generally speaking, the conditions along the North Route were worse than those along the South Route. Therefore, al-though the reopening of the South Route was later than the North Route, people usually chose to pass through the South Route after it was reopened. It should be mentioned here that although Fan Cuo’s Yunnan Zhi was compiled during the early years of Xiantong Period in the Tang dynasty, the situation along the route and courier stations recorded in the book were probably not much different from those along the route during the time of Wei Gao. Al-though more than half a century of time had passed the road and courier stations along the South and North Routes might have only had some minor changes, and it was probably generally the same as in the past. Moreover it was unblocked for a long term due to the concern of the both sides. Another point that should be noted here is that although both the South and North Routes connecting Si-chuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Road in the Tang dynasty were managed by the administra-tions of Xichuan and Nanzhao separately, seen from the close relations and common demands of the two sides, the construction and management of these two important routes were combined through the negotiation of the two sides’ considerations and demands. As the major supporter for making the alliance with Nanzhao, Wei Gao should be the one who played an active role in this process. Because of the alliance between the Tang and the Nanzhao Kingdom the Tubo suffered a setback in the southwestern region, and they gradually re-treated to the north. Under this scenario, the channels of communication between Sichuan and Yunnan were unblocked, and communication be-tween the envoys from the Tang and Nanzhao be-came more frequent, the local trade developed, and the number of businessmen traversing Sichuan and Yunnan increased. Seen from the perspective of the development of Nanzhao, the frequent ex-changes between the artisans and traders from the two sides via the South and North Routes that ran between Sichuan and Yunnan promoted the eco-nomic and commercial development of Yunnan. In addition, there were many ethnic groups in the Nanzhao Kingdom. These included the Wuman, and Baiman ( white barbarians) . For several dec-ades,“more than a thousand” people from differ-ent ethnic groups went to Chengdu to study. This reflected that the reopening of the Southern Silk Road during the Tang dynasty played an important role in cultural transmission. On the other hand, training youth from the different ethnic groups liv-ing in the Nanzhao Kingdom also had a deep influ-ence on the cultural development of Yunnan. More important is that this action enhanced the commu-nication between the ethnic groups of Yunnan and the Central Plains. In addition, after reopening the road between Sichuan and Yunnan on the Southern Silk Route, the road continued through Nanzhao territory, crossed into the Myanmar-India route, and arrived in South and Southeast Asia. It could be said that Wei Gao’s reopening of the Southern Silk Road was not only helpful for communication between the people of Xichuan, the Central Plains and Yunnan, but it was also helpful for communi-cation between the Tang and the countries of South and Southeast Asia. It should be mentioned that Wei Gao’s reope-ning of the Southern Silk Road was conducted with-in the framework of an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom to attack the Tubo. Hence, speaking truthfully, reopening the road was not the main re-sponsibility of the Jiedushi of Xichuan, and was al-so not his main strategic goal. Under the serious situation faced by Jiannan Xichuan, Wei Gao’s main focus during that time was how to contact and make an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom so as to take military action against the Tubo. Even if he planned to reopen this road and took some action, it was conducted by targeting his military strategic action. However, reopening the Southern Silk Road could not be separated from the action of making an alliance with the Nanzhao Kingdom. Moreover, after reopening this road, it really pro-moted economic -cultural exchange and develop-ment along the road. Hence, we should give a full understanding and evaluation on Wei Gao’s histori-cal role in it.     

中国藏区穆斯林社群文化意念释说

地理环境和人文景观对人群的生存状态的特异影响或宗教文化的现象研究,早被人类学家和民俗学家关注。然而,对社群的思想理念和信仰哲理的深层探讨,即对典型个案的心理学的探视和哲学的抽象分析则被忽略了。本文对中国藏区的穆斯林社群的文化意念——生存哲理和信仰意识进行内外透视研究。     

中华民族共同体的共同性要素分析

2021年中央民族工作会议指出“增进共同性、尊重和包容差异性是民族工作的重要原则”,这一重要论断指出了铸牢中华民族共同体意识的实践方向,显化并增进中华民族内部的共同性对于铸牢中华民族共同体意识至关重要。从以往民族政策内容来看,各民族的共同性包含“两个共同”的共享利益、“三个离不开”的共生关系、“四个共同”的共有历史、“五个认同”的共享价值。四方面的共同性不仅揭示了各民族作为利益共同体、命运共同体、历史共同体和价值共同体的内在关系,也在发挥着维护各民族根本利益、凝聚民族团结关系、树立正确中华民族历史观和正确价值观念引导的重要功能。在未来民族工作中,要通过系牢各民族的利益纽带、命运纽带、记忆纽带和价值纽带,深化各民族的共同利益、共生关系、共有记忆和共享价值,以此不断铸牢各族人民的中华民族共同体意识。     

论西夏立国长久的一个重要原因

西夏雄踞西北 ,抗衡辽、宋、金三国 ,长久立国的一个重要原因是西夏拥有河套地区。河套是西夏的立国之本 ,西夏对河套的经营不遗余力 ,学界对此缺乏论述。西夏苦心经营河套 ,建立和巩固了以河套为中心的西夏王国 ,奠定了西夏立国的政治、经济、军事、交通的基础 ,西夏以此与辽、宋、金三大国相抗衡 ,立国长达 190年。