加拿大原住民自治政府:联邦主义下制度构建与政治文化相背离的困境

本文指出 ,加拿大原住民自治政府虽然具有道德正义性而且其合法性与加拿大联邦主义的原则不冲突 ,但其作为一个在联邦制度内的制度构建与加拿大的主导政治文化和政治权力结构却有一种背离矛盾关系。这种主导共同体与亚集体认同矛盾的现象在多民族国家的政治制度构建中是带有普遍性的问题 ,如何在宪政建设中解决这个问题对加拿大联邦制的前景至关重要 ,而且对中国这样的多民族国家将来的宪政建设也有很大的启示作用     

The problem of Iraqi nationalism

This article analyses the development of a tenuous Iraqi national identity since the creation of the Iraqi state in 1920. Informed by the ideas of Anthony D. Smith, Benedict Anderson and Eric Hobsbawm, it argues that various political actors in Iraq have sought to reshape historical memory and thus forge a national identity. Despite many setbacks and a long series of authoritarian regimes seeking to appropriate Iraqiness for their own political purposes, and recently the threat from Kurdish irredentism, this article nevertheless contends that an Iraqi cultural ‘ethnicity’ has been created over the past nine decades.     

Releasing the “Terror Genie”: Man Haron Monis and the “Sydney Siege”

The threat of “Islamic terrorism” has become a feature of the Australian political landscape. This has taken the form of unconfirmed suggestions of promised beheadings by groups, the threat of lone-wolf attacks, and the radicalisation of Islamic youths fighting in Syria and Iraq. This paper argues that the Islamic terror genie has been used to effectively transform the Australian political landscape through a series of plotted suggestions. The excuse for such policy excludes the necessity for evidence in a public forum. Law and order issues that involve Muslim figures who so happen to embrace, erroneously, an Islamic stance, end up being swept up in this current. The Man Haron Monis hostage case (or the “Sydney Siege”) provided a classic example of this problem, illustrating the misunderstandings, deceptions and delusions that have come to characterise the response of Australia’s security and media establishment.     

How political migrants' networks differ from those of economic migrants: ‘strategic anonymity’ among Iraqi refugees in Jordan

The study of migrant networks has led scholars to believe that political migrants, including refugees and asylum seekers, utilise social networks in similar ways to economic migrants. This assumption is based on empirical investigations of South–North migration in which the Western receiving context is held constant. I argue that the utility of social networks is influenced by the reason for displacement and regional geopolitical frameworks. Like economic migrants, political migrants believe that they would benefit from networks; however, some political migrants must exercise caution in the face of potentially harmful new relationships in receiving countries. These political migrants practise strategic anonymity to navigate social networks. This refers to proactive acts of withholding personal information to maintain security for oneself and one's family. I rely on 30 interviews conducted between 2009 and 2010 with Iraqi refugees in Jordan displaced after the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq.     

Independence and identity ignored? New Zealand's reactions to the Statute of Westminster

This article concentrates on New Zealand's constitutional and cultural identity through the fascinating political meanderings between independence and dependence in political and constitutional matters that surrounded the ratification of the Statute of Westminster. New Zealand was the last of the Dominions to pass the Statute in 1947, sixteen years after it could have done in 1931 when most other Dominions did. New Zealand did not ratify this critical Act because it did not wish to appear ‘disloyal’ to Britain even though the ‘Mother Country’ had no problems with this happening. New Zealand's position mirrored the country's ambivalence between a separate national identity and interdependence moored with Britain and the Commonwealth. Though this may seem contradictory, these policies and positions accurately reflected what was perceived as New Zealand's interests. The politics and reactions of New Zealand towards the Statute of Westminster betrayed the reality that New Zealand's independence lay, in the government's mind of that era, in the country's dependence and deference to Britain whether London wanted it or not.     

藏族农民享有政治权利的微观实证研究——以四川省甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县巴底乡沈洛村为例

以四川省甘孜藏族自治州丹巴县巴底乡沈洛村藏族农民作为调查考察对象,研究藏族农民享有的政治权利。事实表明,平等和充分地行使选举权和被选举权,是沈洛村藏族农民的政治权利得以实现的根本保障。在人民代表大会制度下行使民主权利,是藏族农民享有政治权利的主要内容。在民族区域自治制度下享有自治权利,是藏族农民享有政治权利的重要表现。在各种组织中行使民主权利,是沈洛村藏族农民享有政治权利的有效途径。沈洛村藏族农民实现政治权利的过程,既充分体现了藏族农民的权利意识在改革开放中得到了提升,也充分展示了中国宪法权利在改革开放过程中不断完善的巨大成就。随着中国民主进程的不断推进,随着政治知情权以及农村党组织建设的不断完善,藏族农民享有的政治权利将会进一步发展与进步。     

The New Face of Political Islam in Central Asia: The Rise of Islamo-democrats

Political Islam in Central Asia is currently undergoing a transitional phase. Radical groups such as the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan and Hizb ut-Tahrir no longer monopolize the Islamist scene. There is now a new generation of Islamist leaders in Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan that advocate a public role for Islam without seeking regime change. They can be called Islamo-democrats because they participate in elections and recognize the constitutional process. The article will examine and compare the biography, political career, and beliefs of three representatives of this political trend: Tursunbai Bakir Uulu, Bekbolat Tleukhan, and Mohiddin Kabiri. It will claim that the emergence of Islamo-democrats is partly the result of developments in Turkey, especially the rise to power of the Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi. Two factors account for the Turkish influence in Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Tajikistan: the successful diffusion of ideological norms and the importance that governments attach to maintaining good relations with Turkey.     

Women and Jihad: Combating Violent Extremism and Developing New Approaches to Conflict Resolution in the Greater Middle East

The subject of female participation in combative jihad has proved to be contentious in Islam. Whilst some extremist Islamist groups, such as the so-called Islamic State (IS), have advocated women’s direct engagement in fighting in defense of Islam, others, for example Al Qaeda, have endorsed only a supporting role for women, primarily for the purpose of producing the next generation of jihadis. Whatever the validity of this debate, most radical jihadi groups have deployed women for combative operations, including suicide bombings. This has been more in the Middle East, where a resolution of several conflicts requires a comprehensive political strategy as against a predominantly military approach. This article has three objectives. The first is to provide some clarification about combative jihad in conceptual terms. The second is to focus on IS and its underlying appeal to a range of foreign Muslim male and female enthusiasts and several other like-minded entities who have gone to Iraq and to Syria to serve IS for convictive or deceptive reasons. The third is to see what distinguishes IS from other extremist groups which are operational in various parts of the Muslim domain, and to harness some ideas about how to deal with violent Muslim extremism in the Greater Middle East.     

2009年世界民族问题热点回眸及原因与特点分析

回眸已成为历史的2009年,世界政坛波谲云诡,金融海啸继续冲击着各国经济,在此影响之下,世界民族问题热点不断.巴以之间再起战火,奥巴马新政府的战略给伊拉克局势、伊朗核问题、阿富汗和巴基斯坦局势带来新的动向,印巴关系出现新走向,南奥塞梯问题、苏丹达尔富尔和平进程、泰同南部暴力活动、塞浦路斯希土两族等问题成为2009年世界民族问题的热点.世界民族问题在多种因素的影响下涌现出新的热点和特点,值得我们对此倍加关注、认真思考、缜密分析,进而在汲取经验教训的基础上采取相应对策,为构建和谐世界尽责尽力.     

少数民族习惯法对国家法制现代化建设的作用

本文在否定法制现代化即用欧美国家法律制度全盘取代传统法律制度的同时,也指出了“国家法律至上”的理念绝对化的缺陷。在多民族国家应肯定少数民族习惯法对国家法制现代化的积极作用。在此基础上,文章进一步论述了少数民族习惯法与国家法的区别,揭示了国家法相对于少数民族习惯法所存在的跨地域性、跨民族性、概括性、超前性、高成本性以及难以有针对性地及时、有效解决少数民族地区的一些具体问题等特点。     

Muslims in Europe: Citizenship,Multiculturalism and Integration

This article provides an analysis of the concerns in relation to citizenship and multicultural reforms in Europe. It examines the implications for the social integration of Muslims, who seemingly face insurmountable constitutional hurdles notwithstanding liberal institutional attempts, in accommodating a religion that, judged by its global politicisation, may pose more a challenge to multicultural societies than to others. While shedding light on recent developments concerning a wide-ranging panorama of the socio-legal dynamics of integrating Muslim communities in Europe, the article provides an overview of the multicultural idea, focusing on how some European countries address multicultural claims swiftly while others lag behind, busy with more basic issues of immigrant assimilation and integration. It is argued that while attempts are being made to improve Muslim integration, the rising tide of Islamophobia (political and media-manufactured), anti-terrorism legislations and security policies serve to provide a multi-pronged attack on civil liberties and freedoms of Muslim groups. In the concluding section, there will be general remarks concerning the future of Muslims in Europe and the commendable and realisable aim of Muslims to construct an inclusive national identity and find partners who will, like them, be determined to approve what Western culture produces in terms of its positive contributions and resist its deleterious effects on the human, societal and environmental levels.     

De-politicization of the partisan forces in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq

ABSTRACT

The paper explores possible means to achieve reform in the highly politicized security sector of the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in Iraq. We maintain that the de-politicization of the KRG’s security forces is crucial for the future stability and prosperity of an independent Kurdish state. One option is to accomplish reform as part of a unified, state-building process supported by an outside actor, specifically the United States. Alternatively, the KRG would preserve the existing, de-facto division between the ‘KDP dominated zone’ controlled by Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and a ‘PUK dominated zone’ controlled by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Gorran Movement. The two zones would agree to a federal arrangement, working together to gradually develop shared policies on issues of national security, economic development, and foreign policy, while maintaining autonomy over local issues. Our article seeks to situate the KRG case study within the literatures of post-conflict environments, state building, and state security reform (SSR). The approaches we have suggested here for the depolitization of KRG security forces will be relevant for the foreseeable future if KRG continues to be a part of federal Iraq or becomes an independent state.     

Muslimness as a political formation: an inquiry into Muslim presence

ABSTRACT

In this article, I undertake an investigation into the political significance of Islam and Muslimness. By doing so, I aim to underscore the primacy of Islam’s ontological (constitutive) nature and its irreducibility to any of its ontic (empirical) articulations. This project necessitates the recovery of the political as the moment of the formation of a collective order and community, irreducible to any of its material expressions (e.g. territorial or institutional unity). Thus, the article renounces the objectivity of the secular grammar which fixes, essentializes, and reduces Muslimness to being merely ‘religious’ as opposed to ‘political’. By contrast, it attempts to retrieve Islam’s basic condition of existence and hence emancipate it from the confines of the Western epistemic structure. Toward that end, the article presents a deconstructive analysis of Islam as an autonomous universe of meaning inaugurated by the event of the Divine Revelation to Prophet Muhammad as its originary moment. By doing so, I also emphasize the primacy of Muslimness as a political subjectivity, whose unity and autonomy is contingent upon the drawing of its most universal boundaries and the exclusion of an outside – a function, I argue, which had historically been fulfilled by the mechanism of the caliphate. Finally, the article discusses an alternative conceptualization of diaspora in order to come to grips with the political implications of Muslimness in the post-caliphate world order.     

Progress,democracy, efficiency: normative narratives in political science EU studies

ABSTRACT

This article identifies influential political narratives in the 73 currently most highly cited political science articles on the EU. It is based on systematic analysis of expressions of normativity, which signal that European integration, or its institutions or policies, are bad, good, flourishing or declining. A normative narrative of continuous progress in integration, connected with a 1990s grand theoretical debate in EU studies, accounts for much of the positive tone of EU studies until about 1998. Narratives about the EU's democratic deficit and its impact beyond its borders help explain the subsequent negative turn in EU studies normativity.     

The Other of Dialogue: Opening Silences of the Dumb Foreigner1

This paper is not about the silence of the other. Neither is it a phenomenological, hermeneutical, political, aesthetical or ethnographical account of silence taken as a form of existential practice. It concerns an ethics. It explores, rather than an ethics of semiotic care or recognition, an ethical structure, possibility or resources of silence, the still auditory, disclosed in the disrelational ontology of language: a richness and complexity of that dramatic tension, the postlapsarian interplay between fallen time and fallen language; the key question is how not to sanitise, fetishise and economise on the dialogic inadequacy of the other, of the dumb foreigner in us. Silence, thus approached as a universal speech act, as the inclusive preclusion of the word across time, space and cultures, is more specific, precise and resonant than quietude or muteness, the absence or eradication of sounds. Silence, thus understood, is then not a mystified non-language, a solipsistic disproof or disqualification of mediated communication but the language that is forever foreign. The originary force of silence, its speechless power is an evolutionary index to ethical dialogue, or rather dialogue as an ethical act. We, of we-are-the-world, should be able to communicate not in spite of, but through, silence.     

试论宪法监督机关及其完善

如何完善宪法监督制度是当前法学界研究的一个重要课题。完善宪法监督,首先必须明确宪法监督机关。本文结合宪法文本内容和现实情况说明,宪法监督权只能由全国人大及其常务委员会行使。为适应宪法监督专门化的需要,我国应在全国人大内设立一个级别较高的专门的宪法委员会,以期有效的保障宪法的实施。     

Mysticism,Migration and Clerical Networks: Ahmad al-Ahsaʾi and the Shaykhis of al-Ahsa,Kuwait and Basra

Ahmad al-Ahsa?i (1753–1826), the spiritual father of the mystical strand of Twelver Shiism, known as the Shaykhiyya, became an important religious figure in Iraq and Iran. But the Shaykhiyya also spread in his birthplace in Eastern Arabia and among migrants from al-Ahsa in Kuwait and Basra. The quietist and apolitical teachings of al-Ahsa?i suited the Shia in Eastern Arabia, who periodically suffered from political insecurity and religious persecution. Several scholars from al-Ahsa studied with al-Ahsa?i and with his successor as leader of the Shaykhiyya, Kazim al-Rashti. Thereafter, they returned to al-Ahsa or moved to Kuwait and Basra and set up hawzas to spread Shaykhi teachings. In the early twentieth century, the Shaykhis of al-Ahsa developed closer ties with the al-Usku?i, a family of maraji? of the Tabrizi School of the Shaykhiyya. The al-Usku?i also resided in al-Ahsa and Kuwait throughout the twentieth century. The Shaykhis of Basra, on the other hand, became followers of the rival Kermani School. In both Basra and Kuwait, migrants from al-Ahsa retained strong group identities because their common geographical origin was coupled with the Shaykhiyya.     

自治与共治:民族政治理论新思考

现代民族政治意义上的自治产生于统治民族和被统治民族之间的暂时妥协 ,存在着排他性和从属性这一对难解的矛盾。中国等当代多民族国家的民族政治生活已经超越了传统的自治观念 ,实际已走上了民族共治的道路。民族共治有其必然性与合理性 ,它是“后自治”民族政治生活发展的客观要求 ,是与民族政治民主和共和“三位一体”的命题。当代民族政治理论应当以共治为核心思想进行构建 ,并赋予自治新的含义 :“民族政治性组织合法”加上“民族政治人格平等” ,应当成为自治的新概念 ,对此可以“当家作主”来界定 ;由这种新自治观出发 ,共治就是一个必然的结论 ,二者的关系也可以得到科学的解释。民族共治的理论意义在于它是批判各种片面的和非理性民族政治观念的武器 ,而实践价值则在于它是建设多民族统一国家、实现民族关系平等、自由与和谐的工具     

‘Arab Jews’ after structuralism: Zionist discourse and the (de)formation of an ethnic identity

We revisit the term ‘Arab Jews’, which has been widely used in the past to depict Jews living in Arab countries, but was extirpated from the political lexicon upon their arrival in Israel in the 1950s and 1960s. We follow first the demise of this discourse and then its political reawakening in the 1990s, which was carried out mostly by second-generation Mizrahi intellectuals and activists. We review this surge of the 1990s, distinguishing between structural and post-structural interpretations of the concept, although we also show that they are often interwoven. According to the structural interpretation, the term ‘Arab Jew’ was founded on a binary logic wherein Jews and Arabs are posed as cultural and political antagonisms. The post-structural interpretation rejects the bifurcated form in lieu of a hybrid epistemology, which tolerates and enables a dynamic movement between the two facets of ‘Arabs’ and ‘Jews’. We spell out the differences between these two heuristic modes of interpretation and speculate about their relevance to the political conditions in the Middle East today.