西部民族地区相对贫困：现状、困境及治理

后脱贫时代，贫困地区巩固脱贫成果、缓解相对贫困是扎实推动共同富裕的重要关切。西部民族地区相对贫困呈现出贫困人口规模大、相对贫困程度深以及相对贫困维度广的现实图景，又面临着显著的空间贫困特征、多元的特殊性贫困、返贫致贫风险高以及内生动力不足的困境。基于此，西部民族地区的相对贫困治理要不断完善绿色减贫机制和风险防范机制、坚持综合治理和差异化治理、实施“常态化”“制度化”治贫以及提升贫困人口的可持续发展能力。     

少数民族地区精准脱贫研究——基于广西DHYZ自治县QBN乡的个案分析和现实思考

少数民族地区是我国新一轮脱贫攻坚的主战场.通过对个案的分析发现,少数民族地区贫困面广、贫困程度深,少数民族贫困人口比重大,基础设施建设严重滞后,贫困人口收入低,易地移民搬迁任务重,贫困人口文化素质较低等问题依然突出.同时还面临着贫困人口指标层层分解与贫困对象识别不精准、脱贫攻坚项目实施资金投入刚性需求与扶贫资金投入供给能力不足、产业扶贫项目脱贫效应的时滞性与年度脱贫目标要求短期性、贫困农村“空心化”与脱贫任务艰巨性等突出矛盾.为此,要抓紧完善贫困人口精准识别机制,建立以目标需求为导向的项目建设资金投入机制,改革精准脱贫成效的考核办法,切实加强贫困村扶贫治理能力建设,确保少数民族地区如期实现脱贫攻坚目标.     

四川省民族地区教育均衡性发展问题研究

民族地区的教育发展是当地经济发展和社会进步的重要保障。四川是一个多民族大省，同时四川省民族地区也是全国贫困面最大、贫困人口最多、贫困程度最深的地区之一。多年来，由于经济发展水平的不均衡导致的教育发展不均衡现象在四川省民族地区越来越突出。本文立足于民族地区教育特别是基础教育，通过研究经济相对落后的四川省民族地区教育在资金、人才、政策等方面获得的教育资源现状和问题，探索实现民族地区教育均衡性发展的路径和方法，进而对实现教育公平及全面建成小康社会、打赢扶贫攻坚战奠定基础。     

民族地区的反贫困与经济可持续发展

本文论证了民族地区反贫困与经济可持续发展的关系,指出大力开展扶贫工作,特别是加大对贫困问题极为突出的少数民族地区的扶贫治贫工作,清除贫困,是我国政府实施可持续发展战略的一项重要任务。少数民族地区在反贫困,实施可持续发展战略过程中,面临农业基础脆弱,生态环境失衡;人口数量增长快,人力资本水平低;经济发展水平低;基础设施落后,社会发育程度低;投入不足,资金供求矛盾突出;非正式制度约束严重等制约因素。在反贫困、实现经济社会可持续发展的战略选择上,一方面要加快少数民族地区的经济开发进程,实现少数民族地区整体经济实力的增长和自我发展能力的提高;另一方面,要瞄准民族地区的贫困人口,使贫困人口成为反贫困的直接受益者。因此,必须在实现民族地区整体经济增长的战略目标时,正确处理效率与公平的关系,努力实现各民族的共同发展繁荣。     

主体视界下的民族地区贫困问题分析

进入21世纪以来,我国的贫困问题出现了一个突出特点,那就是贫困人口越来越集中于西部的少数民族地区。2004年,少数民族地区农村绝对贫困人口是1245.6万人,占全国贫困人口总数的47.7%,部分少数民族处于整体贫困状态。因此,消除少数民族地区贫困的任务依然非常艰巨,反贫困应成为当前民族地区经济与社会发展政策的核心内容之一。长期以来,解决贫困问题基本上是以物为主的外源性扶贫,往往忽视人这一贫困主体。而贫困作为一种社会经济现象,归根到底是人或人的社会群体的贫困。少数民族地区贫困的原因——主体视界下的再审视导致少数民族地区贫困…     

西藏农村贫困问题

贫困是伴随着人类发展而产生的一种社会经济现象，普遍发生在世界上所有的国家、地区或民族中。改革开放以来西藏社会经济快速发展，通过扶贫开发，在很大程度上缓解了农村贫困问题，但没有彻底解决，反贫困面临严峻的挑战。新时期做好西藏农村扶贫开发工作必须继续坚持正确的开发式扶贫方针，建立反贫困的长效机制，加强贫困人口的能力建设，扶持贫困人口尽快脱贫致富，促进贫困地区经济社会发展。     

文化策略:民族地区反贫困的路径选择研究

作为一种整体性存在的历史实存,贫困问题不仅是一个经济问题,更是一个社会问题。贫困也由此跨越纯粹的经济存在,成为一种深刻复杂的文化现象。在民族地区反贫困的制度设计中,如若未能充分考虑地方性文化的特殊性,是难以实现蕴含着现代生产力在民族地区的展布的。尊重地方性文化,充分调动贫困社区的社会参与,是消除民族地区贫困的一个重要前提。通过文化认同机制建构起来的集体式发展方式,应该成为少数民族地区反贫困和经济发展的有效机制。坚持发展民族教育,提高民族地区贫困人口的可行能力,不仅是消除民族地区贫困的根本保障,也是民族地区发展的根本目的。     

武陵山片区务农者家庭教育需求调研——以古丈县为例

武陵山片区是集老、少、偏、贫于一身的连片特困民族地区,有着大量的贫困人口。随着《武陵山片区区域发展与扶贫攻坚规划(2011-2020)》的出台,武陵山片区将迎来历史上最好的脱贫致富的发展机遇。笔者认为要在该地区扶贫就要先扶智,因为贫困人口能否真正脱离贫困是取决于其素质,即受教育程度的。本文对湘西古丈县务农者家庭进行了问卷调查,探究分析了该地区务农者家庭当下在教育方面的困境和需求,希望通过教育上的创新协作来促进武陵山片区的和谐发展。     

武陵山片区务农者家庭教育需求调研——以古丈县为例

武陵山片区是集老、少、偏、贫于一身的连片特困民族地区,有着大量的贫困人口。随着《武陵山片区区域发展与扶贫攻坚规划(2011-2020)》的出台,武陵山片区将迎来历史上最好的脱贫致富的发展机遇。笔者认为要在该地区扶贫就要先扶智,因为贫困人口能否真正脱离贫困是取决于其素质,即受教育程度的。本文对湘西古丈县务农者家庭进行了问卷调查,探究分析了该地区务农者家庭当下在教育方面的困境和需求,希望通过教育上的创新协作来促进武陵山片区的和谐发展。     

西藏农村贫困问题研究

贫困是伴随着人类发展而产生的一种社会经济现象,普遍发生在世界上所有的国家、地区或民族中.改革开放以来西藏社会经济快速发展,通过扶贫开发,在很大程度上缓解了农村贫困问题,但没有彻底解决,反贫困面临严峻的挑战.新时期做好西藏农村扶贫开发工作必须继续坚持正确的开发式扶贫方针,建立反贫困的长效机制,加强贫困人口的能力建设,扶持贫困人口尽快脱贫致富,促进贫困地区经济社会发展.     

Meeting / Derrida

In August 1999, Jacques Derrida gave a number of lectures and seminars in Melbourne and Sydney. The seminar of 13 August, held at Sydney's Seymour Centre Theatre, was open to the public. It consisted of a question-and-answer session with Genevieve Lloyd, David Wills, Paul Patton and Penelope Deutscher. Its title, 'Themes from Recent Work', reflected interests in the work from Specters of Marx (1994) onwards which some, including Paul Patton, have referred to as deconstruction in its affirmative phase. What follows is a by-no-means verbatim record of the event. Rather it is but one member of the audience's account of what transpired in the seminar – an account which is therefore necessarily selective and pressed through the grid of my own quasi-philosophical interests. Following this account of the seminar, I offer some marginal notes on the open discussion following the seminar, then, finally, some reflections on a particular matter discussed at the dinner which followed that – madness.     

Defining ‘real India’: representations of authenticity in independent travel

As an alternative to the stereotypical mass tourism, independent travellers – travellers who travel for extended periods on low budgets while ostensibly avoiding formalized tourist activities and locales – are invested in constructing ‘authentic’ travel experiences. Practices such as ‘off-the-beaten-track’ travel and cultural engagement provide the means by which independent travellers are able to make claims to such authenticity. Authenticity is constructed by travellers through idealizations of intimacy and non-commodification. These idealizations are tangled in narrative representations of ‘real’ India and ‘real’ Indians, their ‘real’-ness typified by an absence of other travellers, tourists and, more generally, Western contamination. In these ways, ‘authentic’ travel is dependent upon actively constructed binaries of Western travelling subjects and exotic Indian objects. Yet travellers' fantasies of the Other are fragile and subject to collapse at moments in which so-called Others articulate their subjectivity in a way that is inconsistent with travellers' expectations. Through a focus on travellers' narratives of their experience, both the requirement for an Orientalist dichotomy as well as the ruptures that continually challenge this dichotomy, will emerge.     

The changing configurations of self-(m)other dialogue in North Cyprus

This paper deals with issues of identity, nationalism, postcolonialism, and self-other relations with a focus on a period of transformative events in North Cyprus. It notes how nationalism has been the dominant means of identification for Cypriots in their modern history, and argues that unless weakened and supplanted by a radically pluralist democracy, nationalism imagines one's identity as an indivisible unity and has no place for different others within the nation. However, a pressing relationship with others and otherness is no stranger to Cypriots either, which makes it clear that the border that defines the ‘we’ of such nationalism is, at the same time, the line that divides the self intrinsically, indicating the otherness of the self or its alterity. Subjectivity involves subjection to the other.     

三江源自然保护区生态旅游开发的SWOT分析

本文就三江源自然保护区开发生态旅游产品的可行性及发展潜力,运用SWOT分析模式进行客观分析,并得出三江源开发生态旅游产品是实现该地区可持续发展的最佳途径。     

Changing patterns of mobility,citizenship and conflict in Indonesia

ABSTRACT

Mobility and migration are inherent ingredients of Indonesian cultures. In an archipelago with thousands of islands of various size, character and nature, mobility is an important means to make a living and to survive by migration. The right to free movement in Indonesia is constitutionally granted. It can create mobility and give expression to equal citizenship rights at the same time as it can trigger the enforcement of borders among cultural groups and the ethnification of local and regional politics. Mobility thus always comes along with immobility. Physical mobility of one group of people might cause immobility of another group or it might create cultural and political immobility in the same group. In places such as Eastern Indonesia, people have developed reciprocal means to integrate newcomers. Whereas the immigrants are usually disadvantaged citizens with regards to land and customary rights, those living in the area for generations have nonetheless become integral parts of quite peaceful local settings, one way or the other. The advancement of decentralization, democratization and direct elections of political representatives can lead to political empowerment, the promotion of ethnicity as election capital and changing patterns of belonging. This paper illustrates these ambivalences by looking at mobility in Indonesia more generally and how changing national policies and laws lead to reinterpretations of mobility patterns and trigger changes in relations between local population groups and existing mechanisms of cultural and political inclusion and exclusion. Butonese migrants in Maluku will here serve as a case study.     

Refugees,migrants, neither,both: categorical fetishism and the politics of bounding in Europe’s ‘migration crisis’

The use of the categories ‘refugee’ and ‘migrant’ to differentiate between those on the move and the legitimacy, or otherwise, of their claims to international protection has featured strongly during Europe’s ‘migration crisis’ and has been used to justify policies of exclusion and containment. Drawing on interviews with 215 people who crossed the Mediterranean to Greece in 2015, our paper challenges this ‘categorical fetishism’, arguing that the dominant categories fail to capture adequately the complex relationship between political, social and economic drivers of migration or their shifting significance for individuals over time and space. As such it builds upon a substantial body of academic literature demonstrating a disjuncture between conceptual and policy categories and the lived experiences of those on the move. However, the paper is also critical of efforts to foreground or privilege ‘refugees’ over ‘migrants’ arguing that this reinforces rather than challenges the dichotomy’s faulty foundations. Rather those concerned about the use of categories to marginalise and exclude should explicitly engage with the politics of bounding, that is to say, the process by which categories are constructed, the purpose they serve and their consequences, in order to denaturalise their use as a mechanism to distinguish, divide and discriminate.     

伊斯兰学者刘智的"元气"与日本儒者伊藤仁斋的"一元气"思想——朱子学"理"、"气"学说的批判与重构

在"文明间对话"被各国学界极为重视的当代,特别值得关注与研究的是,17-18世纪的回儒学与日本德川儒学之间的具有价值和意义的对话.刘智和伊藤仁斋是同时代不同文化背景的两位思想大师,同时受到朱子学影响,并吸收融合而产生出自己独特的思想体系.本文将探讨这两位思想家对朱子学"理"、"气"思想的重构特色.进一步想说明,不同文化...     

‘Both an Arab and a woman’: gendered,racialised experiences of female Palestinian citizens of Israel

Following feminist and postcolonial discourses, this paper uses the concept of ‘everyday experience’ as a tool to trace the social world of educated Palestinian women in Israel. The term refers to the complex array of these women's experiences in racialised and gendered social sites, as well as within the class, religious, and ethnic contexts in the subordinated group and its relations with the dominant Jewish group. Based on 108 in‐depth interviews with Palestinian women citizens of Israel, the paper claims that educated Palestinian women are located in a ‘third place’ between cultural, gender, class, national and racial structures that generates a continual ambivalence. Within this marginal, ‘unhomely’ space women negotiate their own identities and challenge dominant social definitions. Women create various modes of interim spaces and multi‐dimensional, shifting identities for themselves. The ambivalent attitudes generated by the women's experiences expose the possibility of shedding categorising markers. The omnipresent existence of the gendered, racialised regime of knowledge makes every place a potential site of subversion and resistance.     

Identification,the exercise of democracy and the fear of the Other – the June EU referendum in the UK

ABSTRACT

The focus is the oscillation among leave voters in the EU referendum from the exercise of rights - an act of dis-identification – towards the assertion of identity as members of a British community. This was mediated by voters acting in an association of citizens calling on the equalising agency of the British people whilst claiming membership of a locally circumscribed community, perceived as injured, through entanglement with the Other prominent among them Europeans. Hence the recovery of the injured community as the object of the denunciators’ desire for identity coupled with the fear of the Other. Predicated on this was the resumption of class, gender and ethnic roles reflected in division among voters. The denunciation of togetherness with Europeans served leave voters to substitute the exercise of rights with a longing for identity. Instrumental in this was the lack of deliberation in the plebiscite to articulate the will of individual voters through a general will. The ‘direct power’ exercised enabled many to cast away their role as citizen in an attempt to claim their privileges as members of a racially and culturally demarcated British community. Paradoxically, the voters’ unashamed disavowal of their agency as citizens by seeking to restore a divided social world as the source of their identity was represented as an exercise in democracy. To some playing on words was supplemented by the use of force removing the gap between the discursive exclusion of the Other and the continued physical presence of bearers of different races and culture.     

Governing multicultural Brussels: paradoxes of a multi-level,multi-cultural,multi-national urban anomaly

ABSTRACT

Updating our earlier work on Brussels as the paradigm of a multi-level, multi-cultural, multi-national city, and in the context of Brussels’s recent troubled emergence as the epicentre of violent conflict between radical political Islam and the West, this paper sets out the paradoxical intersection of national (i.e. Flemish and Francophone), non-national and ethnic minority politics in a city placed as a multi-cultural and multi-national ‘urban anomaly’ at the heart of linguistic struggle of the two dominant Belgian communities. Brussels is one of the three Regions of the Belgian federal model alongside Flanders and Wallonia. It is also an extraordinarily diverse and cosmopolitan city, in which a mixed language Belgian population lives alongside very high numbers of resident non-nationals, including European elites, other European immigrant workers, and immigrants from Africa and Asia. After laying out the complex distribution of power and competences within the Belgian federal structure, we explore whether these structures have worked over the years to include or exclude disadvantaged ethnic groups. To better understand these processes, we introduce our view of the multi-level governance perspective.