宋初僧人对北宋文学革新的认识与回应——以释智圆和释契嵩为中心的考察

北宋中叶的文学革新是我国文学发展史的一个“里程碑”。北宋中期以来,古文运动继中唐之后在学术界再次掀起高潮。倡导古文、复兴儒学成为学者们共同关心的话题。从韩愈到宋代诸儒,古文运动事实上是儒学复兴运动的重要组成部分。围绕着“文”与“道”的关系问题,宋代学术界不同群体,从不同的侧面不同的立场阐发了对这一问题的讨论。在宋学形成前,以释智圆、释契嵩为中心的一大批“儒化”的僧人,从佛学的角度对这场日益兴起的文学革新运动给予了关注。他们对晚唐体、西崑体、太学体的批评,对“文”与“道”关系的认识与思考,基本上使古文运动沿着正确的方向前进,为后来的文学复古革新和散文正宗地位的确立初步扫清了道路。     

正确认识伊斯兰教复兴运动及对我国穆斯林民族的影响

本文通过研究伊斯兰大兴运动兴起的时代背景，分析其兴起的客观原因和伊斯兰复兴运动本身在教育穆斯林纯洁信仰、行善止恶、净化社会风气方面的积极作用。指出伊斯兰复兴运动与打着宗教旗号从事政治目的个人行为没有关系、和恐怖主义没有必然联系、极少数犯罪分子所从事的恐怖活动也是伊斯兰教所禁止和反对的，且与广大穆斯林群众无关。对人们认识伊斯兰复兴运动有一定帮助。     

瑶族千家峒运动的形式、性质和功能

瑶族千家峒运动是十九世纪兴起、二十世纪达到高潮的一种民族复兴运动,它与同时期世界各地发生的本土运动有特别相似之处。千家峒运动的形式有:自发性的、有组织的、武装性的、歌舞祭祀性的。它的主要功能是振兴民族意识和民族性格,提高生存能力,推动迁徙热情。     

伊斯兰复兴运动与菲律宾穆斯林分离运动

二战后兴起的菲律宾穆斯林分离运动与伊斯兰复兴运动下相关国家及组织的支持和干预密不可分。"9.11"事件后,随着恐怖主义在全世界的蔓延,菲律宾南部地区的穆斯林分离主义与恐怖主义合流,其已成为东南亚乃至世界恐怖组织网络中的重要组成部分。而菲律宾穆斯林分离运动与伊斯兰世界关系的发展,经历了从冷战时期的相对明晰向后冷战时期的混沌状态之转化。菲律宾南部已成为世界上民族、宗教矛盾和恐怖主义汇聚的热点地区之一。     

论中华复兴与文化高潮

文化与民族是密不可分的。文化是民族形成的重要标志和民族发展的重要条件。文化为民族发展指明方向 ,为民族复兴创造条件。实现中华民族伟大复兴 ,创造新的中华文明 ,不仅要求发展经济 ,创造发达的物质文明 ,而且要求兴起文化建设高潮 ,创造发达的精神文明     

选择与嬗变:运河回商与伊斯兰文化中国化

元代京杭大运河初通,元明清三朝运河成为南北交通主道,原主要聚居于江南城市的回回以及西北各地回回向运河沿岸迁移。清真寺在运河沿岸的商业城镇相继建起,回族成为运河商业的重要经营者,运河回回商圈应运而生,运河伊斯兰文化复兴运动也随之兴起。     

20世纪末以来俄罗斯哥萨克复兴运动解析

哥萨克是俄罗斯一个典型的亚民族,在俄罗斯历史上曾起过举足轻重的作用。1919年"非哥萨克化"政策实施后,哥萨克作为一个独特的军事阶层被取消,失去其军事功能和社会地位。20世纪80年代,随着苏联国内政治环境的变化,哥萨克复兴运动在苏联境内外骤然兴起。时至今日,俄罗斯哥萨克的复兴运动经历了自发复兴阶段、社会地位确立阶段、注册和发展壮大阶段。俄罗斯政府针对哥萨克颁布相应的法规条文,确立哥萨克的社会地位和权利义务及其发展趋势。     

传统中国意识形态史的知识社会学初步考察:一种民族学视角的社会理论反思

从梁启超开始的新史学重新将清朝官修史学的民族多样性缩减成为以儒学为核心的史统,后来的中外学者或者从儒学与皇权之关系、或者从儒释道三教合一的角度来看中国的意识形态史.这样一种眼光将元以后中国的意识形态的多元性转变成了国家与少数民族关系的问题,并进一步在中西关系的知识格局中来审视今日中国,而没有看到,藏传佛教作为一种兼具宗教与知识性格的文化传统,对于中国意识形态史之转型的意义.本文综合考察了国内外学者的儒教中国论、佛王治世说和元代的知识格局变迁,认为从凉州会盟以后,藏传佛教体系进入中国,中国的意识形态史从儒学中心的结构时代进入了多元意识形态关系史的时代,这一知识社会学的眼光或将对传统中国的意识形态研究有所裨益.     

试论儒学在少数民族文化整合中的变迁

儒家文化是中华民族文化的主流,它在整合和浸润少数民族文化的同时,也受到少数民族文化的影响,并在少数民族文化的选择与整合中得以丰富与提升。本文试图通过对少数民族文化特点的探讨,来阐释少数民族对儒学的影响,进而论述了儒学在与少数民族交融整合中的变迁。     

试论儒学在青藏地区的传播方式及其影响

为满足汉族移民的文化教育需要而广播儒学,以儒学为中介的文化交流,中原政权开疆拓土过程中推行府县儒学,在少数民族土司贵族群体中推广儒学,著名儒生、地方官员及谪臣等推行儒学,以及以儒学思想影响少数民族宗教信仰等,都是儒学在青藏地区传播的重要方式.儒学及其文化传统在青藏地区的传播促进了这一地区文化教育事业的进步和社会风 尚的优化,是该地区构建文化认同意识的思想基础.     

共生理论视阈下中华民族共同体建构的五维向度

中华民族共同体建构的基本逻辑是一个从"求同存异"到"聚同化异"的过程,旨在构建一个多民族休戚与共、血脉相连的共生关系与共生状态。中华民族共同体的有效建构必须赋予"共生"的理念,以责任、族际、文化、利益、命运为共生单元的建构逻辑,进而推动中华民族政治共同体、文化共同体、价值共同体、利益共同体、命运共同体的全面建构。     

师儒与官绅：传统中国治水社会的士绅研究述评

Already for quite some time, the u-nique power structure of the traditional Chinese so-ciety has been viewed and discussed in the field of humanities and social sciences. Focusing on the status and role of its gentry class, Chinese and Western scholars have deeply researched the gen-eral characteristics of the political structure in the traditional Chinese society. And the analysis of the interaction between different social groups from the perspective of the traditional Chinese ‘hydraulic ’ structure has even gradually deepened and expand-ed this research topic. This paper looks at relevant research conducted by former scholars like e. g. Weber, Wittfogel, and Fei Xiaotong while attemp-ting to come to a more historic understanding of the relationship between the imperial power and the gentry class within the power structure of tradition-al Chinese society: this essay indeed focuses on the political status and social function of the gentry class in the traditional Chinese hydraulic society. Based on the research findings of scholars like Adam Smith, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Heinrich Marx, Weber pointed out that in Eastern societies there was a certain relationship between the autoc-racy and the local irrigation-based agriculture. And Weber believed that the relationship between the autocratic imperial power and the more local Con-fucian gentry was the key to understanding the po-litical structure of the Chinese society. At that time and place, the local water management-projects, other entrenched bureaucracies, the respected Confucian gentry, as well as the central imperial power were all intertwined together; this shaped a unique form of political power in traditional China. By borrowing Marx’ s concept of ‘the Asiatic mode of production’ , Wittfogel discussed the rela-tionship between ( i ) the political autocracy and ( ii) indigenous irrigation projects in Eastern socie-ties, seen from the perspective of political econom-ics. He proposed that the political autocracy was a result of the social functioning of hydraulic pro-jects, and briefly described the Eastern society as an ‘Oriental-authoritarian ’ society under the rule of an ‘absolute monarchy’ . In the eyes of Wittfo-gel, the traditional Chinese gentry was just a bu-reaucratic group attached to the totalitarian rule:their power did not draw from their own knowledge monopoly of value ethics and ritual standards, but solely from their power-relationship with the des-potic ruler. According to Wittfogel, the‘hydraulic society’ , totalitarian rule, bureaucratic groupings, and imperial power were all intertwined and togeth-er made up the government form of the traditional Chinese society. While Weber described the gentry as reputa-ble Confucian intellectuals, Wittfogel regarded them as mere bureaucrats firmly attached to the to-talitarian rule. In contrast with the Western schol-ars’ too simple view of the ‘gentry group’, Chi-nese scholars have emphasized that this ‘gentry group’ was an organism made up of bureaucrats and literati:they not only participated in local gov-ernance and cultural activities, but they also lived and passed on the inheritance of Confucian ortho-dox ideology. Fei Xiaotong stressed constantly that the tradi-tional Chinese political system wasn ’ t completely arbitrary;instead it was closely related to the so-cial class of the scholar-officials ( a combination of the bureaucrats and gentry within Chinese socie-ty) . Fei stated that the traditional Chinese society had a‘bottom-up’ or‘secondary/parallel’ track:this ‘informal track’ made it possible for the ordi-nary people to pass on their opinions to top level people. Guided by tao-t’ung ( Confucian orthodox-y) , the scholar-intellectuals were able to influence political power by expressing their opinions and by putting forward a set of ethical principles. Al-though they had no part in real political power, they still maintained a social prestige. As a buffer between imperial power and the common people, the scholar-officials could not only extend the pow-er of the monarch to the far corners of society, but they also could properly protect the interests of farmers through some informal channels outside of the system. In the view of Yu Yingshi, the scholar-offi-cials not only were royal officers but also teachers of the emperor: that is why they could exert con-straint to autocratic imperial power. Nevertheless, autocratic imperial power also constrained them. Even so, the bureaucrats and gentry kept alive the tao-t’ung in traditional Chinese political life, which safeguarded basic social values. However, the strength of tao-t’ung was always weaker than that of the royal power, therefore, Chinese society did have a tendency of ‘oriental despotism’ described by Wittfogel. In the study of Zhang Yahui, the scholar-offi-cial group was positioned right in middle of the so-ciety: this allowed them to work upwardly and downwardly. They thus could ( i) cooperate with the public to fight against the rulers ’ invasion of local life, and they ( ii) could compromise and a-gree with the rulers as to construct a new harmoni-ous coexistence model. His study reemphasized the historical role of the scholar-official group in keep-ing social harmony. In this study, the scholar-offi-cial group on one hand counterbalanced the central power’ s interference with local affairs, and on the other hand shaped more reasonable identities of the central power, acceptable for local communities. Zhang Yahui’ s study reminds us that-in the tradi-tional Chinese society-authoritarian rulers, the scholar-official group, and the public interlaced with, constrained, and supported each other, and thus constituted the overall picture of the traditional China. The scholar-official group thus was a major force in maintaining the social cohesion of the tra-ditional Chinese society. When indeed we consider both the ‘master-scholars’ and ‘bureaucrats’-the two special components of Chinese scholar-official class-we can better understand the characteristics of the vivid and interactive relationships between the rulers, the scholar-officials, and the local com-mon people. In other words, only when we recog-nize these two aspects of the gentry class, can we see the ‘unifying mechanism ’ of the traditional Chinese society;this allows us to develop a clearer social and historical picture of the traditional Chi-nese interaction between imperial power, scholarly power, and civil rights. To get to this new under-standing of the power structure of the traditional Chinese hydraulic society, we need to critically re-view all sorts of other simplified understandings of the period gentry group.     

论儒学与藏传佛教在藏汉两地之间的互动传播与相互影响

儒学与藏传佛教曾长期在藏汉两地之间进行互动传播，彼此影响。这既有政治、经济、宗教、婚姻、交通、人口迁徙以及儒学和藏传佛教各自的特质等方面的根据，又有着多种实现方式。二者之间的互动传播与彼此影响不仅表现在外在的形式上，更体现于思想文化的内容上，且形成一种以形式为载体，以内容为核心的互动传播和影响的结构模式。其实际效用是多方面的：拓展了藏区藏民族和汉地各民族的思想文化视野，丰富发展了汉地和藏区的思想文化内涵；促进了藏区和汉地社会秩序的稳定；增强了两地各民族之间的团结。     

传统的继承与重构:巍山回族圣纪节的当代变迁

圣纪节是云南回族的三大传统节日之一。作为云南回族民间与外界互动较多的节日庆典,圣纪节打造了开放性的公共文化空间。巍山回族圣纪节的当代变迁,是对传统的继承与重构。当代圣纪节通过继承传统,保持了节日的宗教民俗特质和文化连续性;通过对传统与时俱进的文化建构,强化了节日传统,丰富了节日文化,赋予节日宗教、政治、文化多重意义,使圣纪节始终保持生机活力,并成为回族民间社会与国家基层政权成功互动的文化平台和展示窗口,成为中国政府在少数民族宗教事务管理方面的成功典范。     

Suspect community or suspect category? The impact of counter-terrorism as ‘policed multiculturalism’

How to think about the impact of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation on ethnic and religious accommodation? Much of the literature draws on the concept of ‘suspect community’, suggesting it has primarily alienated the Muslim community, favouring an assimilationist model of ‘muscular liberalism’. In this article, while I consider the merits of the ‘suspect community’ hypothesis, I argue that it only partially accounts for the effects of counter-terrorism and counter-radicalisation on multicultural societies. I contend that much of the literature has focused too narrowly on the discriminatory effects of counter-terrorist policies and has been unable to grasp the more insidious political effects of counter-terrorism policies based on the active participation and involvement of Muslims in their own policing. The main hypothesis of this paper is that rather than promoting ‘assimilation’, as the government would expect, or alienation, as the advocates of the ‘suspect community’ hypothesis would contend, counter-terrorist policies produce and reinforce a government of society in discrete and divided ethno-religious groups. Such ‘policed multiculturalism’—understood as the recognition and the management of diversity through a security perspective—has an important consequence in that it removes fundamental questions about pluralism from political debate, casting them instead in a depoliticised language of security.     

许衡、阿合马与元初汉法、回回法之争

汉法与回回法之争,是元初政治中的一个突出现象。本文通过许衡与阿合马这两个代表性人物,论述了汉族儒臣同色目理财权臣在治国理念上的深刻分歧,以及他们之间复杂、激烈的斗争。文章进而指出,阿合马等所以受到重用,许衡等所以会被疏远,关键在于理财之臣的聚敛政策正符合元世祖忽必烈在政治、经济上的需要。所以,在汉法与回回法之争中,忽必烈实际站在后者一边,由此改变了其先前的重儒政策。     

浅析土尔扈特西迁缘由

15世中至17世纪初,由于漠南蒙古与喀尔喀蒙古对卫拉特蒙古的多次讨伐,卫拉特势力逐渐被削弱,失去大部分游牧地。与之而来的问题便是剩余的草场、林地难以满足人们越来越多的生存需求。为此,卫拉特蒙古各领主之间的矛盾日益增多,导致土尔扈特部西迁。本文通过研究卫拉特蒙古内部及外部发展势态来剖析土尔扈特西迁问题,以此更加深入阐明了土尔扈特蒙古西迁的原因。     

20世纪初俄国在西藏的阴谋

本文引用了丰富的档案和报刊资料,考述了20世纪初英国远征军入侵西藏前后而发生的种种诡秘事件,其中主要涉及两位俄属布里亚特蒙古人,一位是十三世达赖喇嘛的＂洗礼大师＂阿旺·德尔智,另一位是受雇于俄国外交部曾在俄国参谋部中亚探险与情报工作印度小组受过训的泽仁布,他们的神秘使命在于利用其民族和宗教外衣的掩护,达到如何影响达赖喇嘛与英国抗衡目的,从而使俄国能在西藏问题上保持或扩大自己的影响。     

中华民族共同体意识产生、发展和完善的基本逻辑——从媒体话语叙事到文化价值认同的新透视

中华民族理论探索和构建的过程始终立足于近现代中国的现实发展。本研究通过对意识观念萌生、文化历史溯源和社会现实观照三个方面的历时性梳理,试图厘清中华民族共同体意识产生、发展和完善的基本逻辑。党的十八大以来,在党和国家关于民族工作的认识和新时代民族思想指导下,"中华民族共同体意识"作为中华民族"多元一体"的内在凝聚成为党和国家在新时代民族工作的重要思想基础。在中华民族的现代性发展过程中,不同媒体的话语叙事在铸牢中华民族共同体意识中有独特的内在传播逻辑。机构媒体兼具权威性和拟人性双重风格,在传播叙事中强化国家整体性。平台媒体的技术赋能,也强化了议题的交流讨论和用户的具身体验。内容生产者利用自媒体进行个人叙事,更多主体参与到中华文化的主动阐释和书写叙事,传递民族独特性。中华文明是在互相学习、吸收、融合的过程中发展起来的,各民族文化和而不同,各有特色,各民族在遵从各自的民族认同的同时,又始终秉持共同的价值认同。在新的历史发展阶段,中华民族共同体意识在不同的媒体话语叙事中得以发展、强化,技术的发展进步为不同民族和地区的人们进行民族话语表达和民族文化传播提供了便利的表演和展示平台。     

Shas and the resignification of the intersection between ethnicity and religion

Current analyses of ethnicity and religion emphasise the subordination of the one to the other in the construction of collective identities. One line of research perceives religion as a resource of political mobilisation, while another conceptualises religion as the essence of ethnicity. As opposed to these analyses, this article explores how these two markers intersect and constitute each other in the process of identity formation. I centre on the ways Shas, an ethno-religious movement in Israel, mobilises hegemonic ethnic and religious markers of Middle East and North African (MENA) Jews in order to construct its collective identity. The analysis of Shas’s newspapers shows how, by suffusing religious traditions with ethnic meaning and marking an ethno-class collective as religious, Shas interweaves ethnicity and religion and resignifies their relation. This identity project is intended to redefine the symbolic boundaries of the Jewish nation and to redeem MENA Jews from their marginality. Intersectional analysis as applied in this article explains why different ethno-class and religious collectives imagine themselves as sharing a common identity, illumines why particular identity markers are chosen out of the numerous existing categories, and provides an explanation for the flexibility of social movements.