教派主义与中东政治

伊斯兰教派的产生与不同人群在伊斯兰社会政治发展中的不同权力主张有着密切关系,其本身也对政治发展产生着重要影响.进入现代社会之后,特别是1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命之后,教派主义的影响日益彰显.近年西亚北非的政治变局中,教派主义的概念更是被频频使用.本文通过对近年中东政治中教派主义因素进行系统分析,指出宗教既非中东地区安全问题的主要根源,也非治愈此问题的灵丹妙药.如把教派差异视为目前中东政治变局产生的主因,不仅不利于冲突的解决,反而会使所谓“逊尼派和什叶派的千年之争”成为真正的自我实现的预言.     

阿拉伯人的“皇冠”——缠头巾

头裹缠头巾这种习俗,在阿拉伯人中广为流行。穆罕默德曾缠戴过一种叫“云彩”的头巾,后来由阿里·伊本·艾比·塔列卜继承下来。倭马亚人赛义德·伊本·阿绥最先以头巾的美丑和优劣来区别人的善恶。到了马穆鲁克时期     

沙特与伊朗在地区博弈中的代理人战略

近年来,沙特与伊朗在中东地区经常利用代理人战略开展竞争和博弈,具体表现为支持内战国家的代理人来改变战争进程与结果、扶植代理人进行权力竞争、利用代理人进行外交角力等。沙伊之间运用代理人进行博弈,既是两国的地缘政治对抗、教派纷争等结构性矛盾使然,也是由于代理方本身需借助外部力量实现政治与宗教目的。不过,受直接冲突与战争高成本及外部环境的约束,两国之间的博弈不会走向正面军事冲突。截至目前,沙伊的代理人战略加剧了中东政治生态的恶化,加快了地区阵营化、冷战化格局的演进,加深了中东国家政治的对抗性烈度。可以预见,施动方、代理方以及域内外大国关系的演绎将会对沙伊的代理人战略走向产生重大影响。     

伊朗的阿富汗政策及其走向

伊朗是阿富汗的西邻，在阿富汗有着重要影响力，尤其是在语言、宗教和文化等方面。从美国发动打击阿富汗“塔利班”政权的战争后至今，伊朗在阿富汗政治和经济重建、民族和解、打击毒品走私等方面都发挥着重要作用。伊朗反对美军在阿富汗长期存在。2014年后，国际安全援助部队将大部分撤出阿富汗。伊朗会继续推动阿富汗政治、社会稳定，防止“塔利班”东山再起，参与阿富汗经济重建，但其政策也会根据地区和国际形势变化进行调整。     

“左”“右”是如何被误读的？

在中国学界、政界、舆论界，一谈到中国的各种社会思潮，几乎都会提到“左右之争”。转型时期的中国社会，各种思潮纷繁复杂，“左”和“右”也被视为最主要的两大阵营。因此中国思想界最大的分歧和对立．也通常被看成“左右之争”。但是，从政治学理论看，用“左”和“右”的概念来解读中国社会的思想分歧，事实上背离了“左”和“右”这两个政治概念的原初意义。     

教派主义与中东政治

伊斯兰教派的产生与不同人群在伊斯兰社会政治发展中的不同权力主张有着密切关系,其本身也对政治发展产生着重要影响。进入现代社会之后,特别是1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命之后,教派主义的影响日益彰显。近年西亚北非的政治变局中,教派主义的概念更是被频频使用。本文通过对近年中东政治中教派主义因素进行系统分析,指出宗教既非中东地区安全问题的主要根源,也非治愈此问题的灵丹妙药。如把教派差异视为目前中东政治变局产生的主因,不仅不利于冲突的解决,反而会使所谓"逊尼派和什叶派的千年之争"成为真正的自我实现的预言。     

鲁哈尼：期待“变革”的伊朗新总统

在今年6月14日举行的伊朗大选中,鲁哈尼首轮以50．7％的得票率,击败所有强硬保守派竞选对手,当选伊朗第11届总统。鲁哈尼承诺,为摆脱伊朗目前面临的内外困境,执政后对内将会稳步推进政治“变革”,努力营造一个“宽容”的社会环境;对外将寻求与国际社会建设性互动,努力改善与美欧和地区国家的紧张关系,争取打破核僵局,解除国际社会对伊朗的制裁。     

中国和世界各国现代化水平的国际比较

实现现代化是各国追求的目标,它是经济、政治、社会、文化等各方面发展的综合体现。虽然各国现代化起步的时代背景不同、自然条件不同,走向现代化的道路、模式和步骤也各不相同,但最终的目标是相同的,现代化的最终目标都是要达到经济、科技、社会的高度发达,以及以提高人口素质和生活质量为目标的社会全面进步,实现以人为中心的全面发展。 为了全面、系统、准确地分析各国现代化的进程,自本世纪60年代以来,世界各国根据社会发展、现代化理论提出了各种指标体系,进行科学的量化。例如美国社会学家埃斯蒂思用36个社会指标组成社会进步指数,对世界124个国家作出了定量评价,评出中国居世界70位左右。联合国开发计划署的“人文发展指数”和“生活质量指数”,在世界评价中中国被评为60多位。现在国际上比较流行的是美国现代化问题专家阿历克斯·英克尔斯60年代在亚洲、非洲     

文化的“抛离”与“回归”——文化在北京城市发展中地位的转变

现代化的进程,是一个不断探索的进程.在城市现代化过程中,支撑城市发展的各种要素随着城市社会经济实践的变化,其功能和地位亦相应调整.从1949年至今的60多年中,北京的城市状貌发生了翻天覆地的变化,而基于政治和经济等不同方面的发展需要,文化在城市发展中充当的角色、展示的形式、发挥的作用也发生着相应变化.在北京实现现代化的进程中,文化的命运大致经历了一个由中心向边缘“抛离”的过程,但在当前又呈现出“回归”中心的趋势.     

伊朗犹太人:一段不为人知的历史

自伊拉克萨达姆政权垮台后,美国和以色列国内关于伊朗核威胁的声音开始甚嚣尘上。伴随着伊朗核问题的升级,伊朗逐渐被美国和以色列贴上了“反犹主义”的标签,于是严酷的现实利益之争最终淹没了一段美好而鲜为人知的历史。     

The Trouble with Modernity: Gender and the Remaking of Social Theory

There is continued frustration over the failure of established social theory to be altered despite dramatic developments in women's lives and feminist theory. I argue that this process has been blocked by an overly static conception of society and gender itself. Close examination of the actual circumstances of African American and white women in the nineteenth- and twentieth-century United States reveals the relationship between gender and economic and political development has been a dynamic historical one, culminating recently in a radical transformation of women's lives and work. I develop the implications of this argument for older analytic divisions between work and home, or productive and reproductive labor, and for recent shifts in theory. Coherent grasp of the events currently altering women's lives provides a clear way to join gender with earlier theoretical concerns, as another moment of social transformation brought about by a still-unfolding process of economic and political development.     

Editorial

This editorial introduces a journal devoted to the issues surrounding women and their rights. As the development debate moves from women's need to their rights and to an understanding of the cultural roots of legal systems and the effects of the mass media in presenting alternative life styles as possibilities, the immense implications of using rights-based language in development emerge. This debate moves women from being the recipients of welfare to a state of empowerment. Women must be afforded individual rights which are linked to community rights. In addition, rights must be granted to women in their public and private domains. The dangers of using a rights-based language to assert women's claims to economic, political, and social equality in economic, political, and social life arise from the reality that the social position of men will usually place men at an advantage with the law. Legal processes which stress dichotomies may fail to improve real social situations. Also, the language of human rights may pit one set of rights (a woman's right to choose abortion) against another (the fetuses' right to live) to women's disadvantage. Areas governed by both customary and civil law pose other difficulties, especially since they require women to understand the law in order to use it. Development efforts which stress rights hope to meet immediate needs and to achieve a strategic end. Nongovernmental organizations can play an important role in asserting and enforcing the freedom of individuals and groups within groups. They can also build capacity at all levels of society and explore linkages between women's economic participation, decision-making within the home, and wider political participation.     

'What Matters to Me is not What You're Talking About' - Maintaining the Social Model of Disability in 'Public and Private' Negotiations

Moving from a medical to a social model of individual disability is a political process of change with implications for understanding of and relationship to borders between individual, social life and political participation. This process has echoes in the conceptual experience of change through movement for women's liberation and gay liberation. Conceptualisation of a public/private divide has been identified in both these movements, and can also be used productively to further the use of a social model of disability. In this way, public change in status and participation can be linked to private defeat of barriers to public and political participation. This article identifies some uses of conceptualising public and private as a way of locating service provision within a social model of disability.     

Disability,social groups,and political citizenship

The problem raised in this article is whether disabled people can and should be considered as a social group with respect to political representation. The question is first discussed on the basis of theories of social and status groups. Next, the article examines how the topic is reflected empirically at the local political level in Norway, expressed by party political leaders and elected disabled representatives. The authors suggest that disabled people can and should be considered as a social group in relation to political representation. Not doing so, they argue, will in effect delay the process towards full recognition and active political citizenship.     

Conformity and change: community effects on female genital cutting in Kenya

In this article, I analyze women's decisions to have their daughters circumcised based on data from 7,873 women in Kenya collected in the 1998 Kenya Demographic and Health Survey. I use multilevel models to assess the degree to which women s decisions are correlated with the decisions of other women in their community, in addition to studying the effects of socioeconomic characteristics measured at both the individual and community levels. I find some support for modernization theories, which argue that economic development leads to gradual erosion of the practice of female circumcision. However, more community-level variation is explained by the convention hypothesis, which proposes that the prevalence of female circumcision will decline rapidly once parents see that a critical mass of other parents have stopped circumcising their daughters. I also find substantial variation among different ethnic groups in the pace and onset of the decline of female genital cutting.     

The politics of private woman and public man

Summary Four themes run throughout this article. First, the tendency within male-stream analyses of political activity to exaggerate the extent of differences between women and men, and the recovery through feminist analysis of an unacknowledged political dimension underlying distinctive elements of women's experience.Second, the need to interrogate more rigorously the theoretical terrain on which the feminist engagement with the standard writings has taken place, particularly the unreflected emphasis upon the opposition between private woman and public man. Mapping political/ apolitical and male/ female onto the public/private divide encourages silence on boundaries of the political within the public sphere. It fails to address the political nature of the private, and implies that women are defined exclusively by the private sphere and men not at all.Third, the importance of re-examining men's political capacity, and distorted concepts and criteria of the political developed without sensitivity to gender. Male-stream writings misrepresent male political capacity by failing to recognize the parameters of men's political response - its parochialism and partiality, as well as the extent to which it is, like women's, reflective of private experience. Whether in political analysis or practical politics, it will not do to treat men's concerns, or policies formulated largely through traditionally male institutions, as the stuff of which politics is made.Fourth, the recognition that myopic visions of the political underlying misrepresentations of women's and men's political capacity are reproduced in many accounts of the relation between the private and the public, the personal and the political. Against such short-sighted views of politics, it is crucial to assert that the boundary between private and public arenas does not mark the limits of the political, and indeed is itself constructed through political process.     

伊朗政治合法性与宗教合法性之构建

伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建一直受到重视,因为这有利于社会的长治久安。其政治合法性和宗教合法性的构建需要深厚坚实的基础,但处理好两者关系需要漫长的实践过程。本文以伊朗历史上具有代表性的政治制度和宗教为例,说明伊朗政治合法性和宗教合法性构建的意义、基础、途径、两者间关系及其过程。面对全球范围内的物质和精神的冲击,伊朗面临的问题是在当今国内外新形势下,如何重新构建和巩固政权的政治合法性和宗教合法性。     

Theories of collective action and the Iranian revolution

Most analyses of the collective actions that led to the Iranian revolution rest upon one of two classical models: social breakdown or social movement. These explanations emphasize such factors as the politicization of recently uprooted migrants, the growth of a new middle class opposing autocracy, the authority of the clergy, and specific aspects of Shiite Islam. Conflicts of interest, capacity for mobilization, coalition formation, and the structure of opportunities that shaped the collective actions of various groups and classes are ignored or downplayed. This paper argues that mobilization and collective action against the monarchy resulted from the adverse effects of state development policies on bazaaris, industrial workers, white-collar employees, and professionals. Bazaaris' mobilization provided an opportunity for other social groups and classes to oppose the government. A coalition of disparate interests, led by Ayatollah Khomeini, brought down the monarchy.Iran's two major twentieth-century revolutions, and especially the second, appear so aberrant. They do not fit very closely widespread ideas of what modern revolutions should be like. Yet there is no doubt that the Islamic revolution in 1978–79 provided a thoroughgoing overthrow of the old political, social, and ideological order (Keddie, 1983:580).     

POLITICAL IDENTITIES AND POLITICAL LANDSCAPES:

This article presents case studies of two men who have a history of political activism on "women's' issues. The aim of my analysis is to describe the interpretive practice (Gubrium and Holstein 1994) through which the respondents construct individual political identities that make sense of their activism. The analysis treats identity as a narrative construction and also demonstrates that the context of this identity work is itself a construction. When respondents talk about their involvement in women's issues, they simultaneously construct an image of the political landscape, their own identities, and a relationship between the two.
In their narratives, the two men constructed very different images of the political landscape and identities in relation to it. One man interpreted the autobiography he constructed in terms of socialization and social learning in an effort to demonstrate an ongoing engagement with feminist concerns. The other man invoked a folk theory, consistent with feminist standpoint epistemology (Harding 1990), that used his gender to "define him out' of activism on women's issues.
I argue that these cases (1) demonstrate that narrative operates as a site at which men negotiate their relationship to gendered politics and women's issues and (2) represent a previously unrecognized dynamic of interpretive practice (Gubrium and Holstein 1995) in which actors assume discretion over the narrative construction of both their identities and the context in which that identity is to be understood.     

The concept of development: Smith and Marx revisited

This paper attempts to provide a framework for understanding and analyzing the social origins of underdevelopment in contemporary third world societies. In critically examining Adam Smith, Karl Marx, the dependency school, and the sociological modernization theories, it shows that the considerable dispute between the two commonly advanced explanations, “conservative” modernization theory and “radical” dependency theory is spurious. It is argued that neither Smith and the modernization theories that draw upon him, nor the dependency school, provide an appropriate framework for analyzing the historical rise of capitalism and examining the obstacles thereto.