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21.
不缠足运动发展到清末,引起了社会的广泛关注。士绅阶层利用话语权势,在宣传不缠足运动中不断完善不缠足的理论,以促进妇女的解放;官方也改变了以往的旁观态度,转而支持不缠足运动,对缠足历经由劝到劝、禁并重,再到以禁罚为主,有利地配合了民间的不缠足运动,官绅对缠足的态度直接影响着不缠足运动的深度和广度。  相似文献   
22.
陕西省人口迁移动向及其与经济发展的关系研究   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
文章从空间结构、个人特征等方面分析了陕西省人口迁移的状况及特点,研究人口迁移与经济发展的关系,指出迁移人口实际上已经构成了陕西社会经济发展的重要组成部分。人口的合理有序迁移流动,有利于陕西的社会、经济发展,有利于充裕的劳动力资源在市场环境中得到合理配置及充分利用,并就此问题提出了相关的政策建议。  相似文献   
23.
借鉴社会运动理论,可探索一种融合了政府自上而下和社会自下而上进程的“政府—社会”复合路径,以构建“健康丝绸之路”。社会运动理论的三种视角可为这种复合路径的具体实施与需要关注的环节带来重要启发:首先,当前新冠肺炎疫情的跨国传播暴露了全球公共卫生治理体系存在的严重不足,凸显出构建补充型国际卫生合作模式的必要性与紧迫性;其次,推进“健康丝绸之路”的构建,需要政府和社会层面的协作,将“一带一路”沿线国家的资源充分调动起来,形成优势互补与资源共享。与此同时,要推进健康话语体系的完善,如倡导和促进“人类卫生健康共同体”理念的传播,通过话语和心理共鸣等民心相通的途径,促使国际社会采取联合行动以共同应对全球公共卫生危机。  相似文献   
24.
Over the last 30 years, the victims' rights movement has expanded the role of victims in the American criminal justice system. As a result of this movement, judges, prosecutors and parole boards must now hear victims' views at all stages of the criminal justice process, including plea bargains, and sentencing and parole decisions. Legislative efforts have been spearheaded by victims' families, and legislation has been named after deceased victims. Also, victims' families can now view executions in states across the country. The victims' right movement assumes that the criminal justice system should privilege victims' interests over those of society. In so doing, it denies society as a consideration, which is tantamount to a denial of society itself. This article positions victims' rights' denial of society within the current conjuncture, marked as it is by the contradiction between neoliberalism and American liberalism. Victims' rights' denial of society is an expression of the denial of society implicit in American neoliberalism, which seeks to privilege individual interests over those of society. This paper argues that victims' rights is a powerful element of the neoliberal project for three reasons. First, victims' rights imputes the authority of legal discourse to neoliberalism's denial of society. Second, important actors in the rise of neoliberalism have also worked to establish victims' rights. Finally, victims' rights comprehensively circulates throughout America and offers powerful points of identification that incorporate Americans into the victims' rights formation. I explore the denial of society in three victims' rights practices: naming criminal legislation after crime victims and passing such laws in honour of victims; allowing victims' families to view executions; and prosecutors, judges and police personnel making legal decisions according to victims' wishes. I examine the consonant denial of society in three neoliberal practices – monetarism, supply-side economics and welfare reform – and demonstrate how neoliberal advocates like Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan and Paul Gann worked to advance victims' rights. I also describe the production, consumption and comprehensive circulation of victims' rights texts. Finally, I consider Cultural Studies' unique contribution to legal studies.  相似文献   
25.

Problem

Information that women receive about the importance of monitoring fetal movements and what to do if there are changes is inconsistent and may not be evidence based.

Background

This paper reports a summary of the kind of messages a group of South Australian midwives (n = 72) currently give pregnant women.

Methods

Comment data from two questions in a larger survey asking (1) what information midwives routinely provide to women about fetal movements and (2) their practice regarding advice they give to women reporting reduced fetal movements. Data were analysed using summative content analysis.

Findings

Four main recurring words and phrases were identified. With respect to information midwives give all women about monitoring fetal movements, recurring words were “10”, “normal”, “kick charts” and “when to contact” their care-provider. Recurrent words and phrases arising from answers to the second question about advice midwives give to women reporting reduced fetal movement were “ask questions,” “suggest fluids,” “monitor at home and call back” or “come in for assessment”.

Discussion

These findings suggest that a group of South Australian midwives are providing pregnant women with inconsistent information, often in conflict with best practice evidence.

Conclusion

As giving correct, evidence based information about what to do in the event of an episode of reduced fetal movement may be a matter of life or death for the unborn baby it is important that midwives use existing guidelines in order to deliver consistent information which is based on current evidence to women in their care.  相似文献   
26.
There are many grounds for arguing that people with a range of disabilities have more in common than they have differences. However, those grounds to date have not resulted in a unified social movement. This paper examines one possible reason for that lack of unity: the particular force of being unreasonable in modern society. However, being unreasonable is not limited to those with a psychiatric diagnosis, nor does a lack or loss of reason take a simple common form within that group: it is a highly nuanced and context-specific matter. This complexity is discussed in relation to a set of inter-related questions about legalism, morality and post-enlightenment concerns with order and rationality. The paper concludes with a discussion of scenarios available to new social movements concerned with disability.  相似文献   
27.
道家庄子与易经精神有许多相互沟通之处,如齐物论"天籁地籁人籁"与易经八卦、天运黄帝咸池张乐与易经阴阳思想以及庄子外杂篇与易经卦象的沟通等。以通的原则来解释庄子与易经的精神,可以诠释他们的精神内涵和"与天地精神相往来"的气质。  相似文献   
28.
This article draws on a case study of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) and queer politics in Vermont to explain the conditions under which radical discourse gains and loses a public voice. In contrast to claims that the marginalization of queer discourse is due to silencing by LGBT rights activists or to litigation strategies, we argue that variation in queer discourse over time is the result of the co‐optation of queer discourse and goals by opponents. Extending the social movement literature on frame variation, we argue that opponents co‐opt discourse when they adopt aspects of the content of a movement's discourse, while subverting its intent. We show that conservative LGBT rights opponents co‐opted queer discourse. As a result, queer positions lost their viability as the discursive field in which those arguments were made was fundamentally altered. Because queer positions became less tenable, we see the withdrawal of queer discourse from the mainstream and alternative LGBT media. Our work both supports and builds on research on frame variation by demonstrating how discourse can change over time in response to the interplay between changing aspects of the political and cultural landscape and the discourse of opponents.  相似文献   
29.
This article details an evaluation of a research project based on participatory research methods organized by the Swedish Disability Federation from 2008 to 2011. In Sweden there has been a lack of productive dialogue with the traditional academic world and the question was raised whether proposals for future research would be different if disabled people formulated them. Nine idea-circles with disabled participants and invited researchers from fields of interest close to the participants produced ideas, developed out of the life experience of being a disabled person. These ideas were developed into 72 research drafts that often reflected key advocacy areas, rather than operationalized research issues. The adjustment from the familiar discourse of political struggle to discussion of research was a complicated process for many. When asked to prioritize among areas for research, the representatives from the disability movement chose areas that are not stressed in mainstream disability research in Sweden.  相似文献   
30.
The Global Justice Movements emerged in the context of the contradictions and crisis of neoliberal–imperial globalization and the critique of it. They therefore express and provide a basis for the politicization of the negative consequences of post-Fordism and its crisis. This article examines the structural changes of the last 30 years from a Gramscian perspective of neoliberal globalization as a “passive revolution” and as the deepening of a “imperial mode of living” at a global scale. It is argued that examining structural changes helps us to understand why protest and social movements re-emerged around the year 2000. The article discusses some central features of the Global Justice Movements by focusing on the international Attac movement and the recent Occupy movement.  相似文献   
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