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Laura Naegler 《Social movement studies》2018,17(5):507-523
This article addresses debates in the ‘post-Occupy movement’ over the resistant potential of prefigurative politics, and asks how prefiguration can be conceptualized as resistance in relation to activists’ understanding of politics, power and social change. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with activists in New York City, it looks at anarchist politics after Occupy Wall Street (OWS). Here, the absence of spectacular moments of confrontation and the removal of OWS’s space of mobilization and organizing challenged activists to adjust their prefigurative politics to the shifting spaces post-Occupy. This paper advances our understanding of prefigurative politics by conceptualizing prefiguration as resistance in consideration of the elements of ‘intent’, ‘recognition’, ‘opposition/confrontation’ and ‘creation’. Following this, it introduces the ‘logic of subtraction’ as a concept to understand the resistant potential of prefiguration. Here, I argue that rather than being in an antagonistic relationship with dominant power, resistant prefiguration aims for the creation of alternatives while subtracting power from the state, capital or any other external authority in order to render it obsolete. This understanding allows for a nuanced consideration of the proactive and creative potential of prefiguration, as well as of the difficulties of prefigurative practices in shifting movement spaces. 相似文献
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舒畅 《南京航空航天大学学报(社会科学版)》2014,16(3):22-27
《共产党》月刊主要针对无政府主义反对强权、国家和政府的思想进行批判,初步论述了运用革命手段夺取政权以及建立无产阶级专政的思想。其次,针对改良主义提出的"联省自治"和"代议制度"的想法进行猛烈抨击,揪出其虚伪嘴脸。让进步青年进一步认清改良主义的本质,更加了解了马克思主义思想。 相似文献
43.
ABSTRACTSouth Africa has a long-established independent left, outside the big traditions of nationalism and Marxism-Leninism. Post-apartheid its fortunes have varied considerably, as space opened up for movements to the left of the African National Congress and the South African Communist Party, but opportunities declined as the state increased its legitimacy, penetration of civil society, and systems of patronage. This paper looks at cooperation, competition and convergence on the independent left, with particular reference to independent Marxists (mainly the well-established Trotskyist tradition) and revolutionary anarchists and syndicalists (a movement that revived in the 1990s). These intersections have taken place in study groups, popular education, student struggles, and post-apartheid social movements and unions, and indicate the vitality and fragility of the independent left, and the ongoing importance of cooperation and overlaps, as well as of long-standing divisions over theory and strategy. Particular attention is paid to Keep Left, the Socialist Group, the Democratic Socialist Movement, and the Zabalaza Anarchist Communist Front. 相似文献
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蒋泽枫 《白城师范学院学报》2006,(1)
无政府主义是一种产生于欧洲的小资产阶级政治思潮。然而,在二十世纪之初,无政府主义如雨后春笋般在中华大地上广泛传播发展,并且产生了很大的影响。究其原因,除了中国的小资产阶级为这一思想的传播提供了阶级基础之外,在思想文化方面,传统的老庄虚无思想对无政府主义在中国的传播也起了推波助澜的巨大作用。 相似文献
46.
巴金无政府主义思想的生成与终结 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
赵爱英 《河南教育学院学报(哲学社会科学版)》2005,24(2):59-61
巴金无政府主义思想生成的社会基础是旧的封建制度,思想基础是人道主义。无政府主义对巴金的创作有着深远的影响。但由于巴金是一个人道主义者和爱国主义者,在民族危亡的紧要关头,他逐渐地抛弃了无政府主义的空想,投身于火热的现实斗争中,使自己最终成为一个伟大的现实主义作家 相似文献
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陈秋仙 《浙江海洋学院学报(人文科学版)》2006,23(1):16-20
《庄子》由庄周及其后学者的著述集合而成,其思想存在着继承、发展和流变的过程。其中庄子自著的“内篇”提出了“无治主义”的思想,而庄子后学著述的“外杂篇”思想较为复杂,除了承传和解说,还有相当部分吸纳了道家、儒家、法家等的政治主张,从而对庄子思想作了多向度的发展。 相似文献
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刘师培处清末民初之世,既有无政府主义的表现,又有对传统学术的偏好,在保守与激进之间呈现矛盾表象。深入分析,可以发现他思想上多变,但其未变的是对国学的热爱,他的转变很多时候都以"援古经世"为原则。 相似文献
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论五四文学与无政府主义的关系 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
李相银 《四川大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2002,5(2):76-80
对无政府主义思潮在中国传播发展的背景、原因作了简要分析。无政府主义影响五四文学最重要的观念是它的"个人本位主义"。这在五四文学观念与具体创作中呈现出以下三个特征:一是对自我的标榜与追求,对极端自我与极端自由社会的向往;二是反对国家、强权的思想与强烈的破坏欲望;三是浓厚的理想主义色彩。 相似文献
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"互助论"无政府主义与李大钊的马克思主义观 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
陈桂香 《山东大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》2006,1(2):132-137
“互助论”无政府主义在李大钊马克思主义观形成确立过程中产生了重要影响。从1918年下半年到1920年底,李大钊马克思主义观经历了三个发展阶段。在这一过程中,李大钊在思想上逐渐消解、转化并最终摆脱了“互助论”无政府主义,确立了马克思主义唯物史观这一科学世界观。但“互助论”无政府主义仍对李大钊马克思主义观有深层影响。 相似文献