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11.
霍布斯国家理论奠定了人类政治走向文明的理论基础。但霍布斯本质民主的国家理论最后却未能与君主专制划清界限。对这一理论与现实间的悖论,学者们多是从霍布斯的人生经历和他所处的时代背景中寻找答案。实际上,导致这一悖论的根本原因在于霍布斯国家理论自身不易察觉的逻辑错误。霍布斯国家理论的逻辑论证包含三个基本环节:首先设定国家创制的前提——自然状态;然后导入国家创制的人性基础——人类的理性与激情;最后在前两个逻辑环节的基础上推导了国家的起源和本质。霍布斯在论证的最后环节将"现实中的人"与"虚拟中的人"未加区分地混为一谈,致使他一开始谨遵逻辑、在"公共意志"价值层面精心建构的"国家"却异化为外在于人民之物,使他本质民主的国家理论不得不"合乎逻辑"地成为君主专制政体的理论根据。  相似文献   
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诚信原则作为一项古老的道德规范,在上升为法律原则后,除有着重大的意义和强大的社会功能外,同时也显示了一些必要的无奈与退让。为此,对其功能进行了反思,认为诚信原则存在的必要代价应包括:司法成本的投入与司法腐败的产生,对一定程度上谎言盛行和道德淡漠的诱发与合法化等。  相似文献   
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Debates about the American “culture wars” have led scholars to develop several theories relating morality to political attitudes and behaviors. However, researchers have not adequately compared these theories, nor have they examined the overall contribution of morality to explaining political variation. This study uses nationally representative data to compare the utility of 19 moral constructs from four research traditions – associated with the work of Hunter, Lakoff, Haidt, and Schwartz – for predicting political orientation (liberalism/conservatism). Results indicate that morality explains a third of the variation in political orientation – more than basic demographic and religious predictors – but that no one theory provides a fully adequate explanation of this phenomenon. Instead, political orientation is best predicted by selected moral constructs that are unique to each of the four traditions, and by two moral constructs that crosscut them. Future work should investigate how these moral constructs can be synthesized to create a more comprehensive theory of morality and politics.  相似文献   
15.
According to the relevant literature, the relationship between government and the private foundation sector in Germany is marked by a paradigm of conflict very similar to the one that has often dominated the U.S. discussion of government/nonprofit relationships in the past. More specifically, scholars often hold that the development of foundations in Germany is largely hampered by an administrative and regulatory climate that weakens rather than strengthens the foundation community. Two main arguments are brought forth in this context: First, the expansion of the state bureaucracy into traditional activity fields of foundations crowds out the foundation sector; second, the structure of tax regulations is detrimental to a sound development of foundations. However, while these arguments figure prominently in the policy debate, they have neither empirically nor analytically been substantiated as of yet. Borrowing from organizational theory, this article critically evaluates the arguments in the light of available evidence in an effort to contribute to a better understanding of foundations in an international context.  相似文献   
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在独联体成员国的民族立法中,信息自由成为与思想、言论、出版自由同位阶的基本权利,受到高度关注。在独联体私法统一化运动的推动下,出于对信息获取权的保障,独联体成员国议会间大会通过了极具权利保障色彩的《信息获取权示范法》。对作为人和公民的基本权利的信息自由的保障成为独联体各成员国在进行信息社会建设和信息法制建构中的一项基本原则。  相似文献   
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This article contains a conversation with Monica Lee, and is part of a series that focuses on different HRD scholars – the aim being to better understand the people behind the names we see in print. Monica is a Life Member of Lancaster University, was a founding member of the University Forum of HRD, and was the founding editor of Human Resource Development International. The conversation explores Monica's background, how she got into HRD, how she overcame dyslexia and recovered from her cerebral hemorrhage, how the University Forum was created, and how HRDI came about. The conversation also considers the consequences of placing boundaries around HRD, about how we are guided by our subconscious, and about the impact on HRD of future changes to organizations and structures.  相似文献   
18.
科学发展观是适应新阶段发展要求提出来的重大战略思想,是马克思主义中国化的最新成果.毛泽东为科学发展观的提出奠定了思想基础.毛泽东历来重视以人文本并奠定了"统筹兼顾"的思想基础.  相似文献   
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文章认为宪政体制具有社会性、客观性和普适性;宪政体制的社会基础是抽象的和无差别的个体社会成员;因此,人民的阶级表象和归属不应当在宪法规范中固化;只有把人民作为国家法律体系中完全平等的公民个体的集合概念来看待,重塑公民与国家的权利义务关系,才能打造一个公平正义的平台,夯实宪政的社会基础。  相似文献   
20.
WeChat, the most widely used social mobile application nowadays in China, marks the advent of a mobile communication age that has reshaped Chinese people’s lifestyles. Understanding Chinese nonprofits’ communication performance on WeChat is a nascent field of study that calls for public relations scholars’ attention and investigation. By observing the most transparent Chinese charitable foundations, this study conducted a quantitative content analysis to examine their use of WeChat for dialogic communication with publics. Particularly, this study examined the dialogic features employed on the official WeChat accounts of these foundations as well as the public engagement functions fulfilled by their WeChat posts. The findings indicate that the dialogic potential of WeChat has not been fully utilized by the Chinese foundations. The official accounts have been relatively successful in fulfilling the provision of useful information toward interested publics, but most of them still have not created a dialogic loop with their audience. The WeChat posts primarily act as information sources but also perform the salient function of calling upon actions. In addition, certain communication strategies were identified in the posts to attract audience attention and to promote organizational activities, such as the incorporation of multimedia content and popular online events.  相似文献   
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