The UWE Student Occupation

This profile looks at how students at the University of the West of England (UWE) undertook direct action in protest against the British government's cuts to educational funding in the higher education sector. Situating the in the broader context of the struggle against cuts to education, the authors observed the organisation of students, interviewing them and holding focus groups to get a full picture of the growth of the movement and the UWE occupation. The profile considers the motivations of participants, the impact participation had on individuals and explains the effectiveness of the occupation in a number of aspects. The research found that the occupation played an important role in the broader anti-cuts movement, in publicising the cuts agenda and mobilising resistance against it.     

Building the Capacity to Play on Multilevel Policy Processes: French Environmental Movement Organisations and the European Union

The European Union (EU) is a relevant case to address the dynamics of transnational politics, given the significance of the EU environmental legislation in member states. Infranational, national and supranational/EU decision-making arenas still co-exist, without completely overlapping. This study explores how the multilevel nature of the EU policy-making process is exploited by national environmental movement organisations (EMOs). Diverging from the explanation in terms of political opportunity structure or their resource basis, we examine EMOs that do not automatically adapt to the EU multilevel policy process. The discussion takes up the classic debate between grievances (intentionality) and resources (capacity) hypothesising that both are constructed in EMOs' actions and through their interactions with public authorities, allies and members. Within the analytical framework developed in this study, the organisation is viewed as a factor explaining EU activism by combining an endogenous action approach with classical resource mobilisation concepts. The ensuing longitudinal analysis compares the case of three French EMOs: France-Nature-Environnement, Friends of the Earth-France and Greenpeace-France.     

Political Process and the Development of Labor Insurgency in Turkey, 1945–80

Much attention in recent political science and sociology has been given to the origins of social movements, revolutions, and other similar forms of contentious politics. Furthermore, unlike other areas of study in the social sciences, analysts of contentious politics have actively sought to draw insights from divergent theoretical approaches. Such an integrated approach to the study of social movements is offered by the political process model. This paper offers an empirical extension of the process model of social movement emergence to the case of the labor movement in Turkey. The predominant view of the labor movement in Turkey is one that sees the movement as relatively inconsequential to the development of state–society relations in that country. This conclusion is based on two lines of reasoning: first, the notion that the state granted labor rights and freedoms without a protracted struggle from below, and, second, the notion that the military coup of 1980 effectively crushed the Turkish labor movement. On the contrary, applying insights from the political process model better helps to explain why the 1960s and 1970s saw the development of an important labor insurgency in Turkey.     

Anna Hazare's Anti-Corruption Movement and the Limits of Mass Mobilization in India

A hunger strike that played upon Gandhi's legacy of civil disobedience and mass protest was India's capstone event for 2011. Initiated by Anna Hazare, a 74-year-old self-styled Gandhian, the protest targeted the government's new anti-corruption legislation, which Hazare proclaimed as too weak. Hazare's demand for a strong anti-corruption law, leading to the establishment of an independent ombudsman (Lokpal), had slowly gained momentum in the first half of 2011, when Hazare collected a sizeable following. It was his unexpected arrest on the eve of the August protest, however, that thrust him into the limelight, sparking candle-lit marches across the country and swelling the ranks of his movement, Indian Against Corruption (IAC). Hazare was hailed as a leader of Gandhian proportions and applauded for his humble origins, numerous awards, and ecologically conscious development work in Ralegan Siddhi, where Hazare took up residence in 1975, following a brief career in the army. His movement, which appeared to be climbing from strength to strength, was thought to be a major political force of lasting influence. But in the year since the Ramlila protest, Hazare's movement has lost steam, with key leaders oscillating between calling for a stronger movement based on ‘the people's guidance’ and entertaining the possibility of entering electoral politics through the formation of a new political party. This article investigates the reasons for the deceleration of the Hazare movement, with an emphasis on why Hazare failed to win the support of the liberal and left sections of society, particularly the intelligentsia.     

The Interpretative Dimension of Transformative Events: Outrage Management and Collective Action Framing After the 2001 Anti-G8 Summit in Genoa

By focusing on the aftermath of the 2001 G8 counter-summit in Genoa, this paper aims to provide a comprehensive insight into the interpretative dimension of transformative events leading to backfire. First, in line with the existing literature on transformative events, the study shows that after the violent events, Italian authorities employed all possible strategies to inhibit public outrage (i.e., cover-ups of the situation, stigmatizations of targets to legitimate repressive action, reinterpretations of police violence as different from direct attacks, presence of authoritative assessments and intimidation of participants and witnesses). Second, a multidimensional scaling of symbolic devices from 70 social forum websites shows that after 2001, Italian social movement actors used the narrative of the Genoa events in deliberative (i.e., bridging, extension) or negotiating (i.e., punctuation, articulation) framing processes to build new collective action frames.     

宗教情怀与人文理性——论许地山的儒教观

许地山是20世纪初期较早从现代意义上对"儒"及儒教进行宏观审视的学者之一。依许地山,儒在源起上不应止于所谓的"殷民宗教者"而应推设到更为久远的史前时期。原初的儒,本身具有进一步转化成教门的潜能,社会的光景、师儒之职、加之"《书》的理想"促使儒的名号自孔子之后逐渐演变为一种特殊的教义,而儒教正统地位的确立、神学化儒教的生成也有其自身的情势和客观的缘由;作为"伦教运动"的儒教比作为"神教运动"的儒教更合乎情理,故儒教在未来若欲成为一"新宗教",必定要有"社会灵魂",能切实抓住生活的根源,也还要在人群上寻求"更高的联络";现代儒家若能"谋诸宗教的沟通",用"宋儒的精神"以整理儒教的旧教义,就能使之成为一"高尚的宗教"。许地山的儒教观是其宗教情怀与人文理性精神的集中体现,对于儒学的现代开展具有十分重要的提示意义。     

构建中国学派翻译理论：是否必要？有无可能？

建设中国特色翻译学的必要性体现在三个方面：一是向世界回答中国有没有翻译学的问题,解决一个民族虚无主义的问题.二是给历史一个交代,解决一个历史虚无主义的问题.三是为未来树立一个标的,回答中国翻译学的发展前途问题.关于有无“中国特色翻译学”的争议归根到底是由一个世纪来“整理国故”的方法论引起的.这个方法造成了三个后果：一是中国传统学术先天不足,二是中国传统学术天然地落后于西方,三是中国学术发展的唯一途径是不断由西方引进.而建设中国特色翻译学的途径只有从逆“整理国故”开始,反对“格义”式的以西律中,发掘本土资源,重建中国话语,与世界平等对话.     

抗战时期晋察冀边区诗歌运动情况概述

抗战时期的晋察冀诗歌运动是抗战文艺的重要组成部分,它是由战地社和铁流社等新诗团体、在军队和记者群中活跃的诗人群体以及燕赵诗社等旧体诗团体开展起来的。这些团体通过街头诗等运动形式一起促成了晋察冀文艺的发展,并推出了一些杰出的诗人和作品。本文力图在翔实的史料的基础上,运用文史结合的方法对抗战时期的晋察冀诗歌运动做一下整体概述,再现当时的诗歌运动盛况。     

略论蔡畅在陇东领导的妇女运动

蔡畅是我国伟大的无产阶级妇女运动的领导先驱之一,为中国妇女解放事业做出了卓越贡献。她把马克思主义妇女解放思想观与陇东实际情况相结合,鼓励妇女冲破封建枷锁,争取婚姻自由、禁止缠足、开展放足,支持妇女学习文化,实现男女平等。在其带动下,陇东妇女运动发展迅速,成效甚彰,对提高妇女社会地位作用重大。至今她的妇女解放思想与实践仍有价值,给后人留下了宝贵的精神财富。     

农村人民公社化运动失败原因探析

农村人民公社化运动是中国共产党尝试迅速建成社会主义并向共产主义过渡的一次建设社会主义的积极探索,但由于目标虚无、方法欠妥、违背了客观经济规律、没有从根本上弄清楚“什么是社会主义、怎样建设社会主义”这个社会主义建设的首要的根本问题,人民公社化运动最终归于失败。