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101.
自然体权利能否在环境法中确认,是近几年来环境法学界一直探讨的话题。传统法学囿于人类中心主义的偏见,从权利、义务和法律关系理论否认自然体权利的存在。党的十九大报告中提出的“人与自然是生命共同体”理念从人与自然整体性视角重新解读自然体的主体性地位,为自然体权利的法律化进程提供了理论依据。针对我国自然体权利在法律规范上的缺失,借鉴国外自然体权利保护实践经验,我国应以自然互惠原则、风险预防原则为基础,以代理制度、公共信托制度、公众参与制度为实践方式,注重自然体受到损害时的补救,提倡自然法庭,构建人与自然生命共同体的自然权利观的中国方案。  相似文献   
102.
尽管具有一定保障性,但宅基地制度的首要目标在于经济管理,其表面上强调“户有所居”,实际是“户有定居”。宅基地上使用权所承载的管理性与农民自费建造农房所有权的私权性,存在内在的矛盾,不应适用房地一体规则,因为后者遵循着传统民法应对市场交易的基本逻辑。自然资源部所发布的文件明确了宅基地使用权可以由城镇居民继承,内核乃是基于房地一体,以房屋所有权的可继承带动宅基地使用权的可继承,颇为冒进。宅基地上所有权与房屋使用权应当分离,这将为宅基地的流转与乡村振兴提供新的契机:农房的自由流转加上宅基地使用权的农民保有,将最大限度地在现有阶段实现市场与制度的有机契合;对于取得农房的所有权人,在房地分离之下,可以借助对宅基地使用权的法定租赁来设计合理的权利结构。  相似文献   
103.
Women in many countries of southern Africa do not have majority status or have only recently gained this right. Majority status grants individuals adult legal status and the right to bring matters to court, own and administer property, have legal custody of children, and contract for marriage. This article summarizes the legal status of women in Botswana, Lesotho, South Africa, Swaziland, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Lack of majority status contributes to the ongoing risk of poverty for women and makes them overly dependent on men. Compounding the situation in these countries is the presence of a dual legal system. Improving the situation of women and their families involves targeting changes in the legal system, influencing implementation of laws, educating women about their rights, and giving women needed support to seek their legal rights. The legal status of women must be viewed in the context of historical changes in the economic, educational, political, and cultural developments of society.The research for this paper was conducted during her previous faculty affiliation with the University of Michigan, School of Social Work. Her research interests include the impact of social change on women and families, rural mental health services, and health and mental health linkages. She received her Ph.D. from Rutgers University and her M.S.W. from the Columbia University School of Social Work.Her research interests are gender, work and family, culture and power, social transformations in rural and peri-urban communities, critical education, women and community politics, history of women, family and kinship issues, and community-based program development and evaluation. She received her M.S.W. from Dalhousie University, Halifax.  相似文献   
104.
基础研究学科发展的宏观知识挖掘   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
本文提出了一种学科发展分析的宏观知识挖掘思路和方法.从整体上、宏观上对蕴含于基础研究项目建议书(Proposal)中的知识进行挖掘,并在挖掘的基础之上对基础研究的学科发展趋势、特点,学科领域的分化、融合以及交叉等进行分析,并从学科整体、学科领域和项目等三个层面对基础研究的科研管理工作提供基于知识的决策支持.  相似文献   
105.
随着互联网开放共享精神的发展、计算机软件开发技术的改进,以及软件经营商业模式的改变,免费软件越来越多地呈献给广大互联网用户,随之也带来了更多的知识产权纠纷,侵犯个人隐私以及不正当竞争行为时有发生.软件免费经营如何实现盈利,根据权利义务对等原则,软件免费是否意味着软件经营者就无需承担义务?文章主要阐述了免费软件概念、内涵、盈利途径及法律性质,并通过对免费软件经营者的法定义务、契约义务的分析论证,提出有效的法律规制建议.  相似文献   
106.
习近平建设海洋强国重要论述研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
习近平建设海洋强国重要论述经历了率先发出“向海进军”号召、明确提出海洋经济强省建设、庄严宣告海洋强国建设三个阶段。习近平建设海洋强国重要论述主要包括发展海洋经济、保护海洋环境、创新海洋科技、维护海洋权益等。习近平建设海洋强国重要论述具有三个鲜明的特点:在海洋强国建设“目的性”上做到了为国富强与为民谋利的统筹;在海洋强国建设“方法论”上做到了矛盾论和系统论等方法的统筹运用;在海洋强国建设“治理观”上实现了国际治理与国家治理的统筹。习近平建设海洋强国重要论述具有重要的区域意义——指导有关沿海省份创建海洋强省示范区、国家意义——强力推进海洋强国建设并取得了重大突破、世界意义——为全球海洋治理提供“中国方案”和“中国经验”。  相似文献   
107.
国家义务是保障公民权利不可或缺的工具。确定国家义务内容主要诉诸基本权利功能、人权保障和规范主义3种路径。但以上路径过于强调国家义务内容的组成,从而带来理论层级设计混乱、语词选择不一、内部逻辑不明、理论功能不完善、整体性建构缺失等弊端。欲解决以上诸问题,层级化、递进式的国家义务构造理论为可行方案。其中,自由权向社会权的转向决定其实质内容,需求层次理论形塑内部层级结构,而融贯体系化和系统构造论则提供外部理论支持。功能主义系统论和内容理论的积淀最终建构了以尊重、保护和给付为基本要素的“二元三层次多位阶”的国家义务构造论。  相似文献   
108.
Disability helps us think differently about the ‘ideal’ neoliberal-able citizen who may not equate to ideas of productive, sexual, ‘normal’. Intimate citizenship – our rights and access to intimacy – is often ignored by those working with people labelled with intellectual disabilities and in research. In this article, we discuss the outcome of a dialogue between self-advocates labelled with intellectual disabilities, academics, service providers, Aboriginal leaders, students and artists about intimate citizenship through love, intimate work and consumption.  相似文献   
109.
Child protection and welfare have become international issues in a globalized world. Ideas about childhood and the upbringing of children vary widely, depending upon the prevailing economic, socio-cultural, religious, and political contexts. These have had dramatic effects on the way societies value children, and the role acquired by the state in their protection and advancing their well-being. Children, however, remain at risk. They are placed at risk by the breakdown of extended family systems as a result of urbanization, and as a result of impaired functioning of some nuclear families, in the absence of kinship safety nets. Some traditional cultural practices place children at risk, especially girl children. Poverty creates risks for all children but it can create specific catastrophic risks for girls. Countries can enact visionary laws intended to protect children, but they will be ineffective against entrenched social attitudes, especially if only limited resources can be provided to implement and enforce them. This is the ultimate challenge that the world community must address if the vision of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child is to be realized.  相似文献   
110.
Over the last 30 years, the victims' rights movement has expanded the role of victims in the American criminal justice system. As a result of this movement, judges, prosecutors and parole boards must now hear victims' views at all stages of the criminal justice process, including plea bargains, and sentencing and parole decisions. Legislative efforts have been spearheaded by victims' families, and legislation has been named after deceased victims. Also, victims' families can now view executions in states across the country. The victims' right movement assumes that the criminal justice system should privilege victims' interests over those of society. In so doing, it denies society as a consideration, which is tantamount to a denial of society itself. This article positions victims' rights' denial of society within the current conjuncture, marked as it is by the contradiction between neoliberalism and American liberalism. Victims' rights' denial of society is an expression of the denial of society implicit in American neoliberalism, which seeks to privilege individual interests over those of society. This paper argues that victims' rights is a powerful element of the neoliberal project for three reasons. First, victims' rights imputes the authority of legal discourse to neoliberalism's denial of society. Second, important actors in the rise of neoliberalism have also worked to establish victims' rights. Finally, victims' rights comprehensively circulates throughout America and offers powerful points of identification that incorporate Americans into the victims' rights formation. I explore the denial of society in three victims' rights practices: naming criminal legislation after crime victims and passing such laws in honour of victims; allowing victims' families to view executions; and prosecutors, judges and police personnel making legal decisions according to victims' wishes. I examine the consonant denial of society in three neoliberal practices – monetarism, supply-side economics and welfare reform – and demonstrate how neoliberal advocates like Bill Clinton, Ronald Reagan and Paul Gann worked to advance victims' rights. I also describe the production, consumption and comprehensive circulation of victims' rights texts. Finally, I consider Cultural Studies' unique contribution to legal studies.  相似文献   
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