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71.
Welfare state studies are usually motivated by one or both of two concerns: programme effects on the incidence of poverty, and the possibility of perverse incentive effects. Most research has been comparative, using cross‐national indicators from the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development and other international organizations. That research often contrasts the generosity of programmes in a number of European countries and the lack of it in the USA. Focusing on income transfers after job‐loss, in this article we critically examine the comparative evidence on US welfare state generosity and then use the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) to estimate what happens to job‐losers' incomes. The comparative analysis suggests conclusions more nuanced than found in much of the literature. The PSID analysis shows how the income effects of job‐loss vary across job‐losers and suggests that the role of unemployment compensation programmes in supporting incomes may be overstated. 相似文献
72.
《Journal of Statistical Computation and Simulation》2012,82(2):145-187
This paper studies the effects of non-normality and autocorrelation on the performances of various individuals control charts for monitoring the process mean and/or variance. The traditional Shewhart X chart and moving range (MR) chart are investigated as well as several types of exponentially weighted moving average (EWMA) charts and combinations of control charts involving these EWMA charts. It is shown that the combination of the X and MR charts will not detect small and moderate parameter shifts as fast as combinations involving the EWMA charts, and that the performana of the X and MR charts is very sensitive to the normality assumption. It is also shown that certain combinations of EWMA charts can be designed to be robust to non-normality and very effective at detecting small and moderate shifts in the process mean and/or variance. Although autocorrelation can have a significant effect on the in-control performances of these combinations of EWMA charts, their relative out-of-control performances under independence are generally maintained for low to moderate levels of autocorrelation. 相似文献
73.
74.
中国拆船业的发展对策 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
随着国际拆船业持续繁荣,拆船大国之间的竞争越来越激烈。如何促进中国拆船业的发展,提升其国际竞争力成为亟待解决的问题。首先阐述中国拆船业的发展历程,然后对影响中国拆船业发展的因素进行分析,并运用状态空间模型预测未来两年世界和中国拆船业的发展状况,进而提出促进中国拆船业健康发展的相关建议。 相似文献
75.
如何界定爱国主义这一定义一直是学术界讨论的问题。《〈中共中央宣传部教育部关于进一步加强和改进高等学校思想政治理论课的意见〉实施方案》实施后,《思想道德修养与法律基础》教材不再运用列宁关于爱国主义的定义,而用了一个新的定义。科学地理解爱国主义不仅是爱国主义本质的内在要求,而且是理性爱国主义教育的前提。从“非人民群众”的爱国情感、“祖国”与“国家”的关系、爱国主义“理性”与“非理性”的关系三个角度进行探讨,认为社会主义国家应倡导理性爱国主义。 相似文献
76.
In this study, we propose an information measure of uncertainty associated with the random equilibrium residual lifetime of a system driven by N-State Random Evolution. A U-statistic test driven by a moment inequality is proposed for testing the hypothesis that the uncertainty of equilibrium remaining life of a system remains unchanged (when system is in the steady state) against the alternative situation when system’s equilibrium residual life has increasing uncertainty over time (i.e., the life distribution has Increasing Equilibrium Residual Entropy property). Some numerical results such as tabulated critical values and empirical power of the proposed test statistic are presented as well. 相似文献
77.
78.
现代政治文化具有世俗性、自主性、开放性与融合性。民族国家治理是国家公共权力控制和引导政治、社会活动的运作行为。政治文化现代化与民族国家治理之间存在互动关系。现代政治文化对民族国家治理提供支撑与协调,民族国家的治理活动推动、引导政治文化现代化的发展。 相似文献
79.
无产阶级政党夺取政权后,为了镇压资本家阶级的反抗和按新的方式组织社会,保留国家机器是必要的。然而,在自我赋予执政权力、自我传宗接代、一党专政的条件下,已经夺得政权的党如果不下力改造这种国家机器,却会成为凌驾于整个社会之上的官僚特权阶级,同无产阶级相异化。在中国大陆现有的条件下,要想除去国家这个祸害的最坏方面,必须推行政治民主化。兑现宪法已有的民主承诺应该是第一步。 相似文献
80.
Heng-hao Chang 《Disability & Society》2017,32(3):308-322
This research uses the development of the disability rights movement in Taiwan as a case study to analyze the impact of state transformation, in particular marketization of social welfare policy, on the disability rights movement. First, the institutionalization of the disability rights movement enabled it to expand its organizational structure and become involved in shaping policy. Secondly, when disability rights organizations started to undertake state-funded projects, their focus shifted from advocacy to service provision. Thirdly, competition for limited state-funding gave the organizations led by urban-middle class advocates a significant advantage over small, community-based NPOs and gathered significantly greater resources. Finally, this paper suggests that, in a context in which the state did not provide basic social services for its citizens with disabilities, the institutionalization of SMOs turned advocacy groups into service providers. Although the number of disability civic organizations increased, the voices of advocacy groups were weakened. 相似文献