劳动力转移对城乡居民收入差距的非线性影响研究

借鉴已有相关研究成果,将劳动力转移、农业技术水平与城乡居民收入差距联系起来思考,可以具体地考察劳动力转移对城乡居民收入差距的影响.文章以农业技术水平作为门槛变量,选取2009—2019年中国31个省份的面板数据,利用泰尔指数测定城乡收入差距,以劳动力转移作为核心解释变量构建面板门槛模型,实证得出劳动力转移对城乡居民收入差距的非线性影响.研究发现:劳动力转移可以缩小城乡居民收入差距,且该影响具有单一门槛效应.在农业技术水平较低时,劳动力转移对城乡居民收入差距收敛效应较小;当农业技术水平越过门槛值达到较高水平后,劳动力转移对缩小城乡居民收入差距的效果几乎增加了一倍.此后,通过替换解释变量泰尔指数为城乡人均可支配收入比、替换核心解释变量农业技术水平为农业生产效率重新建立面板门槛模型,发现上述结论仍然成立,其检验结果具有较强的稳健性.文章将农业技术进步、劳动力转移、城乡居民收入差距这三个重要变量纳入同一模型框架中,在加深劳动力流动影响城乡居民收入差距这一视角的研究的同时,对缩小城乡居民收入差距政策的制定提供了重要的参考意义.     

Field of study variation throughout the college pipeline and its effect on the earnings gap: Differences between ethnic and immigrant groups in Israel

This study demonstrates the analytical leverage gained from considering the entire college pipeline—including the application, admission and graduation stages—in examining the economic position of various groups upon labor market entry. The findings, based on data from three elite universities in Israel, reveal that the process that shapes economic inequality between different ethnic and immigrant groups is not necessarily cumulative. Field of study stratification does not expand systematically from stage to stage and the position of groups on the field of study hierarchy at each stage is not entirely explained by academic preparation. Differential selection and attrition processes, as well as ambition and aspirations, also shape the position of ethnic groups in the earnings hierarchy and generate a non-cumulative pattern. These findings suggest that a cross-sectional assessment of field of study inequality at the graduation stage can generate misleading conclusions about group-based economic inequality among workers with a bachelor’s degree.     

从"性别差距"看美国女性在选举中的地位

随着女性参政意识的增强,美国女性逐渐在选民中占居多数,大选中的"性别差距"引起了人们的注意。自1980年以来,"性别差距"在美国历次大选中表现明显,其存在的根本原因在于男女在政治、经济和社会地位等方面的不平等,致使女性对一些问题的看法与男性有所差异,因此在大选中也显示出了差距。对"性别差距"的研究从各个侧面揭示了女性选举的特点及其选票的分布情况,对美国总统候选人的竞选活动或执政者的策略制定都有很高的参考价值。     

利率变动下的存续期缺口管理和流量比例调整

在金融自由化和利率市场化的浪潮下,商业银行所面临的利率风险防范问题日益突出。利率风险管理成为商业银行经营管理中极其重要的环节。马考勒存续期缺口管理是现代西方商业银行的主要风险管理手段之一,合理构造存续期缺口可使商业银行净值不受市场利率影响,而流量比例调整可以克服存续期缺口受制于利率变动的不足,综合利用存续期缺口管理对我国商业银行建立风险管理机制起着重要的作用。     

我国南北地区经济差距扩大化研究

通过实证分析 ,从我国南北地区的划分、南北地区差距扩大及其成因以及缩小南北地区差距的对策探讨等四个方面 ,对我国南北地区差距日益扩大化问题进行了深入细致的研究分析 ,希望有助于深化对中国区域发展问题的研究。     

对收入分配差距与调控的分析

目前,我国居民收入分配差距总体上呈扩大态势。但是,因收入分配差距扩大而导致的贫富差别并不等于两极分化,两者既有区别又有联系。因此,我们必须充分重视收入差距扩大造成的负面影响,并采取措施加以解决。当务之急是要对收入过高和过低的两头进行必要的调控,重点是解决贫困问题,将低收入层的收入水平升上去。同时利用国家的财税手段和法律手段,调控收入分配差距。     

"三农"与农村资金融量问题研究

笔者在阐述“三农”与我国农村资金融量相互关系的基础上,对我国农村资金融量问题进行了理论和实证研究,得出的结论是:在中国农村存在巨大的资金融量缺口,并有逐年扩大的趋势,这种缺口在中国农村形成有其深刻的历史、经济和体制根源。为此,提出了对我国农村经济和金融体制进行若干重大变革的政策建议。     

从FDI的走势看中国未来引资政策的选择

近十几年来,外商直接投资(Foreign Direct Investment)由南向北移动、主要集中在以上海为龙头的长江三角洲地带,而不是从东向西移动,从而使中国东西部差距进一步拉大。根据邓宁的国际生产折衷理论,外商在中国的直接投资走向,将会带来中国在未来二十年发展机遇期的区位优势、区域差距和失业等问题。中国在招商引资中实行区域性优惠政策是不明智的,客观结果事与愿违,政策措施达不到预期效果。     

对我国贫富差距扩大现象的思考

贫富差距扩大已成为一种不容忽视的社会现象。本文在分析形成贫富差距扩大现象的原因及其影响的基础上 ,提出政府应加强在国民收入再分配领域的调节作用 ,综合运用经济、法律和行政手段 ,缩小贫富差距的初步设想     

Making ends meet: perceptions of poverty in Sweden

During the era after the Second World War, Sweden has built a welfare system based on labor market participation and income maintenance. Low unemployment and decent wages are supposed to guarantee people a labor market income or income maintenance, which in turn should provide a proper standard for everyone. However, a rapid increase in unemployment and economic problems have made the future of the Swedish welfare state more uncertain than ever. These circumstances have, among other things, led to the suggestion that Sweden should abandon the income maintenance policy and create a social policy system with the more limited ambition of guaranteeing everyone a minimum income. In that case, one central question must be answered: what constitutes a decent minimum income in today's Sweden? Where should we draw the poverty line under which people will not be forced to live? These questions are central in the current debate. The consensual poverty line method is used in this article to derive a poverty line relevant for today's Sweden. The results shows that more than every fifth household has an income below the consensual poverty line. That is, they have an income that most Swedes would argue is too low to make ends meet. The level of the consensual poverty line was compared with the National Board of Health and Welfare's guidelines for social assistance. The consensual poverty line was shown to be more generous to small households and the norm for social assistance was more generous to larger households. Finally, the expenditure for guaranteeing all Swedish household a minimum income equal to the consensual poverty line was estimated: more than SEK 25 billion per year. The results in the article casts serious doubt on the ability of the Swedish welfare state to secure a decent income to all citizens.